DAVID L PENN1 and SHANNON M COUTURE1
http://www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/articlerender.fcgi?artid=1489812
1Department of Psychology, University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill,
Davie Hall, CB#3270, Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3270, USA
See the article "Understanding the impact of stigma on people with
mental illness" on page 16.
Corrigan and Watson have written an excellent overview on the impact
of stigma on the lives of persons with severe mental illness (SMI). In
this commentary, we would like to expand on one aspect of that article,
namely strategies for reducing stigma toward persons with SMI.
Corrigan and Watson have identified three approaches for reducing
stigma: protest, education, and contact. Although these approaches have
promise, they are not without weaknesses. A potential disadvantage of
using protest (i.e., telling the public to stop believing negative views
about mental illness) is that it may actually increase, rather than
decrease stigma. In fact, research has shown that instructing
individuals to ignore or suppress negative thoughts and attitudes
towards a particular group can have paradoxical rebound effects; stigma
will be augmented rather than reduced (1). To examine this issue with
respect to psychiatric stigma, we instructed participants to either
suppress or not to suppress their stereotypes of persons with SMI and
evaluated the effects on stigma-related attitudes and behaviors (2). The
results showed that suppression instructions did reduce negative
attitudes, but did not impact behavior toward persons with SMI, and that
the paradoxical rebound effects did not occur. This suggests that
stereotype suppression may have modest, although limited effects, on
psychiatric stigma.
There is evidence that individuals who possess more information about
mental illness are less stigmatizing than individuals who are
misinformed about mental illness (3). This suggests that providing
individuals with factual information about SMI, in particular regarding
dangerousness and SMI, would reduce stigmatization. We have generally
found support for this hypothesis. Information regarding the residential
context of persons with SMI (i.e., that they may live in supervised
housing) (4), and the relationship between dangerousness and SMI (5),
were both associated with reduced stigmatization to persons with SMI in
general and to a hypothetical individual with SMI. However, the positive
effects of factual information on psychiatric stigma were attenuated
when subjects had to rate their reactions to actual persons with SMI
(6). Thus, factual information regarding SMI may be more effective in
reducing stigma toward persons with SMI in general, than toward specific
individuals.
Finally, there is convincing evidence that increased contact with
persons with SMI is associated with lower stigma (7). However, there are
a number of problems that plague work in this area. First, many studies
have examined the effects of previous self-reported contact on stigma,
rather than how contact changes stigma prospectively (7). In those
studies in which direct contact was measured, the manipulation often
took place in the context of contrived laboratory situations or as part
of a course and/or training program. Scant attention has been placed on
how direct interpersonal contact affects stigma during ongoing
naturalistic relationships. Second, the mechanism(s) underlying stigma
reduction, as a function of contact, are unknown. In other words, how
does contact reduce stigma? Two theories have been proposed for this.
According to the recategorization theory (8), contact with an outgroup
member results in changes in outgroup member classification, from 'them'
to relationships. New York: Freeman, 1984. 60. Chamberlin J. Citizenship
rights and psychiatric disability. Psychiatr Rehabil J 1998;21:405-8.
61. Crocker J, Major B. Social stigma and self-esteem: the
self-protective properties of stigma. Psychol Rev 1989;96:608- 30. 62.
Deegan PE. Spirit breaking: when the helping professions hurt. Human
Psychol 1990;18:301-13. 63. Corrigan PW. Empowerment and serious mental
illness: treatment partnerships and community opportunities. Psychiatr
Q, in press. 64. Corrigan PW, Watson AC. The paradox of self-stigma and
mental illness. Clin Psychol Sci Pract, in press. 21 'us'. A related
model of stigma change is rooted in attribution theory. Attributions are
explanations that an individual makes about another individual's
behavior. Although attributions can be made along various dimensions
(e.g., internal-external), the controllability dimension is especially
relevant to perceptions of persons with SMI. Mental/behavioral disorders
are viewed as more controllable than medical disorders and hence, more
stigmatizing (9). These attributions result in perceptions of the person
with SMI as being responsible for her/his condition, which culminates in
feelings of anger and distaste toward her/him (9). Sustained
interpersonal contact with a person with SMI may debunk the myth that
her/his condition is under her/his control (i.e., that she/he may have
caused the disorder). This shift in attributions, from controllable to
uncontrollable, should correspond to a change in feelings, from anger to
sympathy, which should augment helping behavior. Unfortunately, these
theories have not been adequately tested in the area of stigmatization
toward persons with SMI.
The foregoing underscores some of the problems with work in this
area. Although we have made much progress in reducing stigma, we are, in
many ways, still in the nascent stage of research, particularly with
respect to theory development. It is hoped that this Forum will serve as
an impetus to scientists, practitioners, and persons with SMI to
collaborate on efforts to tackle this persistent and pernicious problem
presented by psychiatric stigma.
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