WOMEN AND CHILDREN FOR SEXUAL EXPLOITATION IN THE AMERICAS
written by Alison Phinney for the Inter-American
Commission of Women (Organization of American States) and the Women,
Health and Development Program (Pan American Health Organization)
“We came to the United States to find a better future, not to be
prostitutes. . . . No woman or child would want to be a sex slave and
endure the evil that I have gone through. I am in fear for my life more
than ever. I helped put these evil men in jail. Please help me. Please
help us. Please do not let this happen to anyone else.”
--Maria, trafficking survivor[i]
The trafficking of
women and children for sexual exploitation is a high-profit, low-risk
trade for those who organize it, but it is detrimental to the millions
of women and children exploited in slavery-like conditions in the global
sex industry. This trade, which UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan has
called an outrage and a worldwide plague[ii],
is conducted throughout the world with near impunity, in many cases
carrying penalties far less severe than drug trafficking[iii].
Though people often associate it with Eastern Europe or Asia, there is
mounting evidence that the trafficking of women and children for sexual
exploitation, with its concomitant human rights abuses and health
consequences, is a significant problem in the Americas--one that
promises to worsen unless collective action is taken. This paper is an
introduction to trafficking in the Americas[iv],
offering a brief discussion of relevant issues.
international agreement on the definition of trafficking is found in the
2000 UN Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime[v]:
“‘trafficking in persons’ shall mean the recruitment, transportation,
harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force
or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the
abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or
receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person
having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation”
(Trafficking Protocol, Article 3a). In this definition the term
exploitation encompasses sexual exploitation, forced labor, slavery,
servitude and removal of organs. However, this paper focuses on the
trafficking of women and children for sexual exploitation, referring to
the practice simply as trafficking or sex trafficking. The
technical language can obscure the lives at the center of the issue--the
millions of women and children preyed upon, abused, and prostituted in
such appalling conditions that trafficking has been identified as a
contemporary form of slavery[vi].
Sex trafficking is
more than an issue of crime or migration; it is an issue of human
rights, a manifestation of persistent gender inequality and the
subordinate status of women globally. Around the world most trafficked
people are women and children of low socio-economic status, and the
primary trafficking flows are from developing countries to more affluent
Economic analyses of the “sex sector” belie the social context of
gender, racial and class inequalities in which this market is situated.
Sex trafficking is driven by a demand for women’s and children’s bodies
in the sex industry, fuelled by a supply of women denied equal rights
and opportunities for education and economic advancement, and
perpetuated by traffickers who are able to exploit human misfortune with
The demand aspect of
sex trafficking remains the least visible. When demand is not analyzed,
or is mentioned rarely, it becomes easy to forget that people are
trafficked into the sex industry to satisfy not the demand of the
traffickers, but that of the purchasers, who are mostly men. The
insatiable demand for women and children in massage parlors, strip
shows, escort services, brothels, pornography and street prostitution is
what makes the trafficking trade so lucrative.
Research in this
area is sparse, but a few studies show that men’s reasons for buying sex
include a desire for sex without commitment or emotional involvement[viii];
the perception that they can ask a prostitute to “do anything,”
including acts they would hesitate to request from a regular partner[ix];
the belief, particularly among men without (or separated from) regular
partners, that sex is necessary to their well-being--a basic need[x];
and the feeling of power experienced in sexual encounters with
While for some men involvement in prostitution may be motivated by
sexual desire, for others it is an expression of misogyny and/or racism.
“To see women and girls lined up in a brothel, numbered and available to
any man who picks them is to see them dominated and humiliated, stripped
of their power to ‘withhold’ the sexual access that such men imagine is
so central to their own well-being” (Davidson 1996). The Coalition
Against Trafficking in Women (CATW) has described the expansion of sex
trafficking as a backlash against the feminist movement[xii].
Agencies involved in sex tourism, marketing to Caucasian males,
advertise Latin American women as dependent, erotic and sex-crazed[xiii]—an
alternative to the stereotype of the cold, Western, independent woman.
Brazilian women, for example, are marketed as dark-skinned, easy and
available, reinforcing racist and colonial stereotypes[xiv].
The nature of male demand for commercial sex must be understood more
fully in order to eliminate sex trafficking.
The supply aspect of
trafficking is perhaps the most transparent. In areas where poverty has
already limited people’s choices, discrimination against women in
education, employment and wages can leave them with very few options for
supporting themselves and their families. Migration through formal
channels is not possible for many of these women. Dreaming of a better
life in the city, or a foreign country, they become vulnerable to
traffickers’ false promises of high-paying jobs. Even though women
might feel uneasy about the travel circumstances, despair over their
current prospects and hope for a new life can easily outweigh any sense
of danger. In this way poverty and gender inequality create a large
pool of potential and seemingly willing “recruits.”
In addition to
exploiting economic need, traffickers exploit the vulnerability of women
and children who have fled their homes because of violence or have been
displaced by armed conflict or natural disasters. The psychological
impact and social stigma of victimization can increase women’s
vulnerability to manipulation and exploitation by traffickers. In
Guatemala, for example, traffickers preyed on young girls raped in the
course of armed conflict, whose stigma as rape victims had damaged their
dynamics of global demand and supply related to the sex industry,
traffickers ply their entrepreneurial skills. Though relatively little
is known about traffickers’ routes, networks, and associations with
organized crime in the Americas, one can easily understand the factors
that allow them to practice their trade with impunity. International and
domestic laws are lacking or insufficient; where laws do exist,
sentencing guidelines do not provide a deterrent. Corruption contributes
heavily to traffickers’ real and perceived impunity through police and
immigration officials who collude, accept bribes, or “turn a blind eye.”
Though governments may not promote trafficking directly, they may be
hesitant to take aggressive action against it, since the sex industry is
extremely profitable and linked to other sectors, such as tourism.
Supply, demand and
impunity together create a space in which trafficking can flourish
(Figure 1). The resulting environment allows high profits at low risk
for the traffickers, but with serious health risks and human rights
violations for the victims. The space is extremely difficult to see,
much less describe and define, because each facet of the triangle
operates in a way that makes trafficking more or less invisible to
society. The success of traffickers’ business relies on their ability
to keep activities hidden from law enforcement agencies. Most
information on crime rings is uncovered only when a participant is
caught and agrees to inform[xvi].
The end purchasers also prefer to remain invisible, themselves engaged
in activities that are largely criminal and considered deviant. Finally,
the circumstances of exploitation help keep the practice invisible.
Some victims are forcibly imprisoned and unable to speak out, while
others are silenced by their fear of police and immigration officers, or
retaliation from the traffickers.
TRAFFICKING IN THE
Trafficking in the
Americas is less analyzed and understood than trafficking in other
regions of the world. Relatively little is known about who the victims
are, who the traffickers are, the routes and circumstances of
trafficking, and how trafficking in the Americas may or may not differ
from trafficking in other regions of the world. Current information
comes from case studies, the media, and law enforcement, government and
NGO reports. In the absence of hard statistical data, which is difficult
to obtain for illegal activities in general, an analysis must rely on
estimates and indicators associated with trafficking. Available
information indicates that, in the Americas, trafficking is a problem of
The volume of Latin American and Caribbean women in prostitution in
Europe, Japan and the USA implies the existence of sex trafficking. An
estimated 50,000 women from the Dominican Republic[xvii]
and 75,000 women from Brazil[xviii]
work abroad in the sex industry, mainly in Europe, though it is not
clear what proportion of this number refers to trafficking victims.
Interpol estimates that 35,000 women are trafficked out of Colombia each
The magnitude of child prostitution in the Americas is another indicator
of trafficking, as child prostitution often occurs under circumstances
that fit the definition of trafficking. Guatemala City police report
that 2,000 children are prostituted in over 600 brothels in that city
alone; Honduran and Salvadoran children have also been discovered in
prostitution in Guatemala, some orphans due to Hurricane Mitch[xx].
The NGO Casa Alianza estimates that 2,000 girls are prostituted in San
Jose, Costa Rica[xxi].
Other estimates include 25,000 child prostitutes in the Dominican
and 500,000 girls prostituted in Brazil--many trafficked internally[xxiii].
The increase in sex tourism in Latin America and the Caribbean also
indicates that trafficking in these areas is likely to increase. Casa
Alianza reports that adolescents from Colombia, the Dominican Republic
and the Philippines have been trafficked to Costa Rica for prostitution
in areas known as sex tour destinations[xxiv].
While researching sex tourism in northeast Brazil, the organization O
CHAME has discovered connections between traffickers and the people who
arrange sex tours[xxv].
Not all traffickers are associated with organized crime groups, but the
involvement of organized crime in the trade seems to be increasing.
Organized crime groups from various regions of the world are involved in
trafficking women and children to North America[xxvi].
The Directorate of Migration in the Dominican Republic estimates there
are 400 smuggling and trafficking rings in the country, aided by the
availability of sophisticated and convincing false documents[xxvii].
In 2000, Paraguayan authorities discovered a crime ring trafficking
women and girls to Argentina, promising work in domestic service but
forcing them into prostitution upon arrival[xxviii].
The conditions of
sexual exploitation are what constitute violations of the civil and
human rights of so many trafficking victims. Regardless of how they are
recruited and transported, most women and children trafficked for sexual
exploitation are denied at some point the right to liberty[xxix],
the right not to be held in slavery or involuntary servitude[xxx],
the right to be free from cruel and inhumane treatment[xxxi],
the right to be free from violence[xxxii],
and the right to health[xxxiii].
To understand the
extent of human rights violations in trafficking, one needs to look at
exercise control. One major method is to restrict victims’ movement.
Survivors commonly report that traffickers confiscated their travel
documents during or after transport, sometimes selling them back for
This practice leaves the women in a vulnerable position, especially if
they did not enter the country legally. In some cases victims are
physically imprisoned in brothels or houses. The confinement may be
enforced through barred windows, locked doors, posted guards and similar
means. Various survivors have described how they could only go outside
if a guard or boss was with them, and some reported that guards would
monitor their phone calls home[xxxvi].
exert control by creating situations of dependence and debt bondage. In
a study of trafficking in the USA, a significant proportion of
survivors, law enforcement officials and social service providers
reported that trafficked women do not have control of their money[xxxvii].
Some women receive just a portion of the fee their purchasers pay the
brothel. An IOM study found that women from the Dominican Republic
trafficked to Greece were prostituted for three months without receiving
any money, and after that received only 25-30% of the revenue they
brought to the brothel[xxxviii].
Traffickers usually charge a transportation fee, informing the victims
upon arrival that they must pay the fee through prostitution of some
kind. Debt bondage occurs when the traffickers do not allow the women
to leave prostitution until the debt is paid; in many cases the original
transportation fee is augmented by charges for room and board, or
punishment fines. Receiving little or no money, and increasingly
indebted, it is difficult for the women to escape debt bondage. The
situation leads to dependence on traffickers for money, food, clothes
and other necessities.
From the testimonies
of victims it is clear that traffickers commonly use violence and
threats of violence as means of initiation, intimidation, punishment,
and control. In a study of sex trafficking in the USA, the Coalition
Against Trafficking in Women (CATW) found that 73% (n =37) of
interviewees had been physically abused at least once by traffickers
Physical assault and rape are used to initiate women into the sex
industry, to force compliance. Survivors report being beaten or raped as
punishment for refusing customers, complaining, attempting to escape, or
purely for the gratification of the trafficker or pimp[xl].
The constant threat, experience and witnessing of violence can condition
women to submit to trafficker demands, as a strategy of
self-preservation. Women’s descriptions of the abuse and its effects
bear similarities to battered women’s descriptions of domestic violence,
particularly the experience of living in a state of constant vigilance,
trauma and fear.
The trafficking of
women and children for sexual exploitation is accompanied by potentially
lifelong and/or life-threatening health consequences; it prevents
victims from attaining the highest possible level of physical, mental
and social well-being. Victims’ health is affected by the trafficking
process itself and also by sexual exploitation. Clandestine migration
often requires sub-optimal means of transportation, putting the victims
at risk for starvation, drowning, suffocation and exposure to the
Numerous reports of accidents and deaths have caused the International
Organization for Migration to identify trafficking as the most dangerous
form of migration[xlii].
Other health risks in transit include exposure to violence and
trafficked into the sex industry, the environment of sexual exploitation
introduces further health risks. Little scientific investigation of the
health of trafficking victims has been conducted, perhaps because the
population is difficult to access. Some information comes from health
care workers and NGOs who work with trafficking victims. To supplement
this knowledge, the general health risks of prostitution can be used as
an approximation of those faced by women and children trafficked into
the sex industry. However, knowledge of these risks comes from samples
drawn from prostitutes working on the street or visiting health clinics.
Since trafficking victims are often not free to leave the brothel or
visit health clinics, the conclusions of these studies may not fully
represent the experiences of trafficking victims.
experience violence by traffickers, pimps, brothel owners, clients and
police. They are beaten, sometimes with weapons, and severely enough to
require emergency room visits[xliii].
They are raped as an introduction to “the business.” Women can also be
injured during rough sex; women in prostitution report that clients ask
them to simulate acts seen in pornography, which are frequently violent,
and some men choose commercial sex so that they can commit acts they
would not ask their own partner to participate in[xliv].
The consequences of psychological, physical and sexual violence
associated with trafficking and sexual exploitation include depression,
suicidal thoughts and attempts, and physical injuries such as bruises,
broken bones, head wounds, stab wounds, mouth and teeth injuries, and
Involvement in the
sex industry is a risk factor for HIV/AIDS infections. This risk can be
mediated or worsened by client volume and patterns of condom use.
Trafficking victims without access to condoms, or who lack the power to
negotiate their use, are particularly at risk. Cuts and tears in vaginal
and anal tissue due to rough sex and rape further compound the risk, as
does victims’ increased vulnerability to sexually transmitted diseases,
trafficking experiences and studies of women in the sex industry suggest
that trafficking victims experience many threats to their sexual and
reproductive health. Sexually transmitted infections (STIs) are a
serious threat. Early sexual activity and multiple partners are both
risk factors for STIs that apply to many women in the sex industry.
Several studies have found that the prevalence of STIs is higher among
women in prostitution than in the general population. For example,
60.8% of 997 female prostitutes in Mexico City were seropositive for
Herpes simplex virus 2, compared to a prevalence of 29.3% in a sample of
women not involved in prostitution[xlvi].
Not only are trafficking victims at risk of contracting STIs through
their circumstances of sexual exploitation, they also are more likely to
suffer complications from the infections. Untreated bacterial STIs,
such as gonorrhea and chlamydia, can result in pelvic inflammatory
disease (PID) if the bacteria invade internal reproductive organs. PID
can be asymptomatic or accompanied by mild and nonspecific symptoms,
making it difficult to diagnose even if a woman can get to a health care
provider. Without treatment, PID can cause severe and permanent damage,
including chronic pelvic pain, ectopic pregnancy and infertility. The
risk of these complications increases with multiple episodes of PID[xlvii].
Trafficking victims may also be at an increased risk for cervical
cancer, because they are exposed to the Human Papillomavirus (HPV)[xlviii].
The risk of unwanted
pregnancy depends on access to contraceptives and control over their
use. Major pregnancy-related concerns are unsafe abortion and lack of
access to prenatal care. Victims have reported forced pregnancies and
forced abortions at the insistence of traffickers[xlix].
However, trafficking for sexual exploitation has sexual health
implications that reach far beyond pregnancy and infections. Considering
the betrayal, violence and exploitation involved in trafficking,
survivors may find it difficult to form meaningful, healthy
relationships upon their return to “normal” life.
associated with trafficking (e.g. violence, isolation, betrayal) can
have damaging effects on victims’ mental health. These conditions can
provoke feelings of hopelessness, helplessness and low self-esteem.
Depression and suicidal thoughts/attempts are reported by victims.
Substance abuse is a common coping mechanism in the sex industry. Some
trafficking survivors report being drugged by brothel owners, to keep
them more compliant. In addition to the risk of chemical addiction,
substance abuse also has implications for sexual health, as it is
associated with increased risk-taking[l].
The long-term effect of trafficking on survivors’ human development and
emotional health needs further exploration.
suggest that trafficked women and children, with such serious and
complicated health needs, have little or no access to health care or
other social services. Where services are available, trafficking victims
face almost limitless barriers to accessing them. Some are not allowed
to leave the brothel, even to seek health care. For those free to come
and go, lack of information about services, language barriers, and fear
of discovery and deportation can all hinder their access to care.
Trafficking victims may not be able to afford services, and they are
unlikely to have access to health insurance. Even if they overcome these
formidable barriers, there is the possibility they won’t receive the
care they need. As is often the case with women who are victims of
domestic abuse, health care providers may not be trained to identify
possible trafficking victims. If the provider is unaware of the
patients circumstances and involvement in the sex industry, she is
likely to overlook the full extent of the patients’ reproductive, sexual
and mental health needs.
is particularly damaging to the health of children. They are even more
likely than adults to lack accurate information about the transmission
and prevention of sexually-transmitted infections, including HIV/AIDS.
Even with good information, children may lack the skills, power and
ability to negotiate condom use, increasing their risk of infection.
Girls are especially vulnerable to sexually transmitted infections due
to their immature reproductive tracts, and they are more likely to
suffer long term damage from them. In addition to the elevated risk of
HIV and other STIs, the traumatic sexualization, betrayal, powerlessness
and stigmatization involved in sexual exploitation are damaging to child
and adolescent development. This can lead to an impaired ability to
form attachments and succeed with interpersonal relationships, or to
various types of psychiatric morbidity. Children are likely to
experience the health and developmental effects of sexual exploitation
well into adulthood.
It is clear that
trafficking victims’ health is significantly endangered, but
intervention is difficult with such a hidden population. Health care
providers and NGOs must find a way to assist not only survivors, who
have escaped or been freed, but also women and children still trapped in
situations of exploitation. The World Health Organization is currently
conducting an in-house review to identify possible courses of action and
draw recommendations for addressing the health consequences of
THE LEGAL CONTEXT
Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the
Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others criminalizes sex
trafficking and acts associated with prostitution, but with weak
enforcement mechanisms and adoption by only 69 countries, it has not
The convention also fails to address forms of exploitation that were
not widespread in 1949, including mail-order bride industries, sex
tourism and trafficking of organs[lii].
Article 6 of the UN Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW 1979) requires States Parties to
take action to suppress “all forms of traffic in women and exploitation
of prostitution of women,” and CEDAW’s General Recommendation No. 19
specifically mentions newer forms of exploitation neglected in the 1949
convention. The 2000 UN Convention Against Transnational Organized
Crime provides a tool for international cooperation against
trafficking in its Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish
Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children. The protocol
specifies criminalization, stronger border controls, and increased
security and control of documents as preventive mechanisms. It focuses
on international cooperation to combat trafficking and details aspects
of assistance and protection for victims. In May 2001 the protocol had
been signed by 85 countries; thirty-five additional signatures are
needed for the protocol to become an instrument of international law[liii].
The UN Global Programme against Trafficking in Human Beings is
conducting several technical cooperation projects based on
implementation of the protocol[liv].
Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication
of Violence Against Women—“Convention of Belém do Pará” (1994)
explicitly names trafficking in persons and forced prostitution as forms
of violence against women. As such, States Parties to the convention
are called upon to condemn trafficking and pursue policies to prevent,
punish and eradicate it[lv].
instruments specifically addressing the trafficking of children include
the ILO Convention 182 Concerning the Prohibition and Immediate
Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labor (1999),
and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) and its
Optional Protocol on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and
Child Pornography (2000). Some countries have targeted the
exploitation of children in sex tourism, adopting laws that allow for
the prosecution of sex crimes against children committed in another
country, regardless of that country’s laws. Laws of this type are
designed not only to punish the commercial sexual exploitation of
children overseas, but also to deter sex tourists who become situational
child abusers due to a perception that the sexual exploitation of
children is acceptable in some other cultures[lvi].
A handful of
countries in the region have laws that specifically prohibit
trafficking. Most have a variety of laws under which traffickers could
be punished, including facilitating entry or exit from the country for
prostitution and sundry laws against pimping[lvii].
Considering the evidence of growth in trafficking, it appears that
existing laws and/or their enforcement are inadequate. Advocates of
legal reform have emphasized a three-pronged approach of prevention of
trafficking, prosecution of traffickers and protection for victims[lviii].
The US Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 outlines minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking: the prohibition of
trafficking; punishment of trafficking acts[lix]
commensurate with that of other grave crimes, such as forcible sexual
assault; punishment stringent enough to provide a deterrent; and
“serious and sustained efforts” by governments to eradicate trafficking.
The legal status of
trafficking victims too often renders them even more vulnerable; legal
protection of victims is of paramount importance. Where prostitution is
prohibited, victims can be viewed and treated as criminals, rather than
crime victims. Victims of international trafficking frequently are
illegal aliens and face the dilemma that if they escape to seek help,
they may be arrested and deported. Though in desperate need of medical
care, counseling and sometimes drug treatment, victims’ legal status can
prevent them from accessing these services. There must be avenues for
victims to seek redress and restitution without risk of further human
WHAT IS BEING DONE?
Children’s Institute (IACI) of the Organization of American States has
made a significant contribution to research by publishing the first
comprehensive analysis of child sexual exploitation in the Americas:
Violencia y Explotación Sexual contra Niños y Niñas en América Latina y
el Caribe (1999). Currently the Inter-American Commission of Women
(Organization of American States) is collaborating with IACI and the
International Human Rights Law Institute (DePaul University) to
undertake an intensive investigation of sex trafficking in the Americas.
A priority of The Study of the Trafficking of Women and Children for
Sexual Exploitation in the Americas is to standardize criteria,
terminology, and definitions. The first step in this direction is to
obtain and analyze data that more fully address the scope and nature of
the problem in the Americas. The initial phase of the project will
investigate trafficking in 14 countries in the region from a social,
legal, economic and political perspective. Counterpart organizations
will be chosen in each country to assist with data collection; to ensure
that research is as nonpolitical and unbiased as possible, these will be
non-governmental organizations. The study results will be used to
develop a draft for an Inter-American Convention that will permit
regional cooperation to prevent and eradicate the trafficking of persons
in general and of women and children in particular.
To address the
inadequacy of existing legislation and law enforcement, to acknowledge
the seriousness of human trafficking, and to provide protection for
victims, the United States has adopted the U.S. Trafficking Victims
Protection Act of 2000. The law takes the three-pronged approach of
preventing trafficking, punishing traffickers and protecting/assisting
victims. Punishment and prosecution for trafficking-related offenses
are strengthened under the penal code for peonage and slavery. Victims
in U.S. custody are granted status as crime victims, not criminals, and
are guaranteed medical care and other appropriate services, appropriate
facilities for detainment, access to information about their rights, and
protection if their safety is in danger or they are at risk of
recapture. Victims can apply for a Category T visa, which allows them to
remain in the U.S. legally, with nonimmigrant status, for three years
and makes them eligible for employment and benefits. No more than 5,000
victims may be provided visas or nonimmigrant status in any fiscal year.
Finally, the law specifies minimum standards for trafficking prevention
(mentioned above); countries receiving economic and security assistance
must demonstrate compliance with the minimum standards, or sincere and
sustained effort at moving towards them, in order to receive further
assistance. The law contains provisions for sanctions against nations
deemed insufficiently active in trafficking prevention.
Since the law is
recent, assessing its efficacy is difficult. The law’s power to punish
and deter traffickers will depend on law enforcement and investigative
procedures. The guarantee of victim assistance is encouraging, as are
the corresponding appropriations, though there are gaps to be addressed
in that area. Some services do exist, but services designed specifically
to meet the needs of trafficking victims are also needed. The State
Department’s first annual report on trafficking appeared in July 2001[lx].
It identifies eighty-two countries with “significant numbers” of
trafficking victims, defined as credible reports of numbers in the
hundreds or higher. Twelve of these countries are considered in
compliance with the minimum standards, forty-seven are considered to be
making significant efforts to comply, and twenty-three are considered to
be doing too little.
[ii] Annan, K.
Secretary-General, In Address To ‘Women 2000’ Special Session,
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[iv] North America,
Latin America and the Caribbean.
Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime (2000).
Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons,
Especially Women and Children. [Convention text and protocols
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[ix] McKeganey, N.
(1994). Why do men buy sex and what are their assessments of the
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[xiii] Center for
Reference, Studies and Action for Children and Adolescents
(CECRIA). (2000). Tráfico de Mulheres,
Crianças e Adolescentes para Fins de Exploração Sexual no
Brasil. CECRIA: Brasília, Brasil.
O Centro Humanitário de Apoio á Mulher (O CHAME).
Calcetas-Santos, Ofelia. (2000). Report on the mission to
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children, child prostitution and child pornography. United
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[xvi] Mittleman, J.
(1999). The globalization of organized crime, the courtesan
state, and the corruption of civil society. Global Governance
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[xix] Pratt, T.
(2001). Sex slavery racket a growing concern in Latin America.
The Christian Science Monitor 1/11/01.
Calcetas-Santos, Ofelia. (2000). Report on the mission
to Guatemala. Report of the Special Rapporteur on the sale of
children, child prostitution and child pornography. United
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[xxi] Harris, B.
(2000). Presentation to the Inter American Commission on Human
Rights on the Subject of the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of
Children in Costa Rica. 3/3/00.
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. (1999). Report on the
Situation of Human Rights in the Dominican Republic. IACHR:
Dimenstein, G. (1992). Meninas da Noite: a Prostituição de
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[xxiv] Harris, B.
(2000). Op cit.
O CHAME. (1998). O Que é que a Bahia Tem: O Outro Lado do
Turismo em Salvador. Projeto CHAME/NEIM/UFBa: Salvador,
[xxvi] Richard, Amy
O’Neill. (1999). Op cit.
Inter-American Convention on Human Rights. “Pact of San
Jose, Costa Rica”. 1969. Article 7.
Inter-American Convention on Human Rights. “Pact of San
Jose, Costa Rica”. 1969. Article 6.
Inter-American Convention on Human Rights. “Pact of San
Jose, Costa Rica”. 1969. Article 5.
Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and
Eradication of Violence Against Women—Convention of Belém do
Pará. Article 3.
Defined as “the highest level of physical, mental and social
well-being” by the OAS in the Protocol of San Salvador, Article
rights violations may be perpetrated by brothel owners or pimps,
as well as the traffickers who arranged a person’s initial
transport. The term traffickers, as used here, is
understood to include the various actors involved in
facilitating the prostitution of victims.
Coomeraswamy, R. (2000). Op cit.
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is a sexually transmitted virus and generally recognized as a
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factors such as smoking, HIV infection, and having many
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[lv] As of June
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56 Davidson, J.
(1996). Op cit.
57 For a summary of
domestic laws on trafficking, prostitution and pornography, see
The Protection Project’s Commercial Sexual Exploitation of
Women and Children: A Human Rights Report. 2001. Analysis
of the legal situation in selected countries can also be found
in the U.S. State Department 2001 report on Trafficking in
59 The law specifies
severe forms of trafficking, including sex trafficking and
trafficking involving kidnapping, etc.
60 U.S. Department
of State. (2001). Op cit