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AIDS Sunset Gives
Way to New Dawn in Uganda
by Neville Hodgkinson
From Christine
Maggiore, who is HIV pos, takes not drugs and is very healthy as are
many doing the same thing.
Christine Maggiore,
Founder/Director
Alive & Well AIDS Alternatives http://www.aliveandwell.org
11684 Ventura Boulevard Studio City, CA 91604 USA
Tel 818/780-1875 National Toll-free 877/411-AIDS Fax 818/780-7093
Reprinted from The
Business (UK), October 20, 2003
Aids was supposed to destroy Uganda. So why is it flourishing again?
Billions will be spent on powerful anti-Aids drugs for the third world -
but Uganda reversed its Aids epidemic without themŠ
'Can Africa be saved from Aids?' asked Newsweek magazine in two reports
in 1984 and 1986, reporting that 'nowhere is the disease more rampant
than in the Rakai region of south-west Uganda, where 30% of the people
are estimated to be seropositive [HIV positive].' Newsweek was not
alone. Over the next 15 years, prestigious newspapers and magazines
across the globe repeatedly published similar reports; the consensus was
that a devastating proportion of the Ugandan population was doomed by
Aids to premature death, with all the consequences on families and the
society as a whole. Their predictions announced the practically
inevitable collapse of the country in which the worldwide epidemic
supposedly originated.
The data seemed authoritative. By mid-1991, the World Health
Organisation (WHO) was estimating that 1.5m Ugandans, nearly a tenth of
the general population and a fifth of those sexually active, had the HIV
infection. WHO predicted that in sub-Saharan Africa as a whole, child
deaths in the 1990s could increase by as much as 30% because of Aids. In
November 1996, the agency reported that more than three million children
were already feeling the direct impact of Aids in Uganda alone.
Today the public prints and airwaves are still full about the African
'Aids crisis'. But you will read little about Aids in Uganda. The
reason: all prophecies have proved false, as the results of a 10-year
census published last year has shown. Uganda's population grew at an
average annual rate of 3.4% between 1991 and 2002, one of the highest
growth rates in the world, due to persistently high fertility levels
(about seven children per woman) and a decline in infant and childhood
mortality rates. Economic development has also shown constant growth
over the same period reflecting the energy and determination of Ugandans
to improve their living conditions. Fewer people are testing
HIV-positive and nationally, the figure is now put at around 5%.
The good news from Africa comes at a time when WHO is spearheading a
massive campaign to combat Aids by raising funds to buy anti-HIV drugs
for poor people in developing countries. It says 99% of HIV-positive
people in sub-Saharan Africa who need treatment today because their
illness has advanced to Aids do not have access to the drugs. Within two
years, WHO wants the medicines to be reaching half an estimated 6m
people worldwide whom it believes to be in urgent need. The cost, along
with prevention and other activities, is estimated at $10.5 billion in
2005, rising to $15 billion a year by 2007.
Pledges from the United States, European Commission and European
national governments, if fulfilled, will take Aids funding for
developing countries from $4.7 billion this year to $5.9 billion by
2005. That still leaves a gap of nearly $5 billion. According to WHO and
its partners in the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/Aids (UNAids),
the money is needed to tackle an Aids 'catastrophe' in which 42 million
people are estimated to have become infected with HIV. Africa alone is
said to have 30 million infected, threatening economic collapse and
national security in the worst-affected countries.
These enormous, grim statistics, regularly repeated, have created a pall
of uncertainty over much of sub-Saharan Africa, especially in the eyes
of many Western investors, which further blights Africa's economic
development. The encouraging news from Uganda might have been taken to
suggest that a huge increase in funds devoted to the anti-aids drugs
would be money well spent - except that Uganda has shaken off the worst
of its apparent HIV/Aids epidemic without resort to such drugs.
Moreover, there have been other developments that cast doubt on the
validity of putting pharmaceuticals centre stage in the fight against
Aids - and even call into question WHO's entire strategy in targeting
HIV as the best way to fight AIDS.
Responding to a news report in the August edition of the British Medical
Journal (BMJ) headed 'Free retroviral drugs could save up to 1.7 million
South Africans', Dr Christian Fiala, a specialist in obstetrics and
gynaecology from Austria with a degree in tropical medicine, has urged
caution before investing in such approaches. Since the drugs are costly
and potentially dangerous, it is essential to substantiate such claims,
he says in two letters published in BMJ on-line, the journal's website.
Fiala has spent years researching data on HIV/Aids and has worked in
Africa and Thailand as well as Europe. He is the author of a 1999 book
on Aids, Lieben Wir Gefahrlich? (Do We Love Dangerously? - A Doctor in
Search of the Facts on Aids). He has looked particularly closely at Aids
in Uganda, once considered the epicentre of African Aids but now, far
from being decimated, enjoying a population and development boom that is
confounding past grim predictions.
Fiala asks: 'How can this contradiction be explained: that a land
condemned to death has not only avoided the predicted catastrophe but
that population growth has even dramatically accelerated in this period
and economic development has been positive? And more specifically: how
has it been possible to reduce HIV-prevalence without antiretroviral
therapy, the so-called Aids drugs?'
The WHO, which says
most HIV infection in Africa is attributable to heterosexual
intercourse, argues that the reduction must have come about because of a
change in sexual behaviour, achieved through high-level Aids awareness
campaigns in Uganda. Fiala says there is no reliable evidence for this
belief.
On the contrary, the latest household survey (2001) shows that the
following indicators of sexual behaviour have been stable, some for 30
years: fertility (seven children per woman); average age for women at
time of first sexual intercourse (16.7 years); age at marriage (18
years); and first childbirth (18.5 years). The only indicator that has
slightly changed is the proportion of married women using contraception,
up over the last five years from 15 to 23%. But only 2% regularly use a
condom (though 35% report unmet needs for family planning).
'The explanation is to be sought elsewhere,' Fiala says. 'The horror
scenarios were based on the large number of people testing HIV-positive
in Uganda in antenatal surveys and numerous other studies. Most of these
HIV-positives, according to the underlying assumption, would contract
Aids in eight to 10 years and consequently die relatively fast.
Surprisingly, mortality did not increase over the last decade;
obviously, therefore, this assumption has been wrong.'
The reason, he says, is the unreliability of HIV tests, as demonstrated
by many studies. Particularly in Africa, people have high levels of
antibodies in their blood triggered by infectious and parasitic
diseases; or by exposure to contaminated blood or dirty injections. Some
of these antibodies can cause false positive results with the HIV test.
People test positive but are not infected with HIV; so they will not
necessarily die after the allotted time.
Fiala demonstrates that not only are the figures on HIV infections
unreliable and misleading, so are the official Aids statistics.
Diagnosis of Aids in Africa is based on a special definition for
developing countries which WHO decided in 1985. According to this, Aids
is diagnosed on the basis of what are known as 'non-specific clinical
symptoms'. 'Even today in Uganda and other African countries,' says
Fiala, 'people with, for example, continuous diarrhoea, weight loss and
itching are declared to be suffering from Aids. Furthermore, the typical
symptoms for tuberculosis - fever, weight loss and coughing - are also
officially considered to be Aids, even without an HIV test.'
Perhaps this helps to explain why, despite more than one million
Ugandans said to be living today with HIV/Aids out of a total population
of 23 million, the 'My Uganda' independent website comments that 'the
massive sugar and textile industries of the 1960s are reviving, along
with the large tea estates long neglectedŠmany expelled Asians have
returned to reclaim their properties and are reinvesting in a growing
economyŠtourism is attracting investment and interestŠKampala is
steadily being rebuiltŠthe city infrastructure has been restored and new
office towers, hotels, stadiums and shopping malls are appearing almost
monthlyŠthe overriding impression of Uganda is of its happy people.'
In estimating total Aids cases, until recently WHO's Geneva headquarters
added the registered Aids sufferers to a high number of unreported cases
which WHO presumed to have occurred. Thus in November 1997, WHO
announced that since its previous report in July 1996, there had been a
further 4.5m Aids cases in Africa. In this period, however, only 120,000
Aids sufferers were actually registered. 'In other words, 97% of the
supposed new Aids cases occurred only at the WHO Headquarters in
Geneva,' Fiala comments.
WHO now prepares the statistics differently but still in a way that
keeps the numbers artificially high: healthy people with a positive HIV
test are added to diagnosed Aids cases to produce the category 'people
living with HIV/Aids'. Again, this procedure is highly unusual in
medicine, Fiala says. For example, nobody has suggested putting people
actually suffering from tuberculosis alongside those who are healthy but
who have antibodies to the bacteria.
In fact, in creating such a category, WHO is reflecting the predominant
scientific view that to be HIV positive inevitably means a decline into
illness and death - a view now profoundly challenged by the Ugandan
experience.
The view arose because of a close correlation between testing
HIV-positive and risk of ill-health. In reaching such a conclusion,
however, Aids experts appear to have fallen into an elementary
statistical trap: confusing correlation with causation.
Fiala and others say the real reason for the high levels of HIV-positivity
found in Uganda in the early years of Aids was that between 1966 and
1986, under successive tyrannical dictators, the country was wrecked by
economic disaster, mass executions, civil war and war with neighbouring
Tanzania. Gross malnutrition and poverty opened the door to devastating
deterioration in health and loss of life through an upsurge in
long-standing African diseases, including TB. By the same reasoning, the
decline in HIV-positivity in Uganda is a result of the success of the
current government in restoring political and social stability and
economic development.
Powerful scientific support for Fiala's view comes from researchers in
Perth, Western Australia, who have demonstrated that the proteins
claimed by HIV experts to belong to HIV, and which are used in the HIV
test, are actually cell proteins present in all of us. People in Aids
risk groups, including gay men, haemophiliacs and drug users, are liable
to have high levels of antibodies to these 'self' proteins: that is,
auto-antibodies, arising from the immune system challenges in their
lives. Malnourished people suffering from certain chronic infections,
notably tuberculosis, have also been shown to develop high levels of
antibodies that react with the proteins in the 'HIV' test, not because
of 'HIV' but because of TB. Since millions of people in impoverished
living conditions are exposed to TB, that alone could account for much
of the so-called 'HIV pandemic'.
Reports in the medical literature document around 70 different
conditions that can give false positive results in this way to an HIV
test. The list includes infection with hepatitis B virus, a common
contaminant of blood, and even pregnancy or a course of flu jabs. So,
when anyone tests positive, it does not mean they are HIV-infected.
Manufacturers of the HIV test kits admit this. For example, Abbott
Laboratories, one of the main producers, state in their packet inserts:
'At present there is no recognised standard for establishing the
presence or absence of HIV-1 antibody in human blood.'
The Perth group, and other scientists trying to draw attention to their
findings, say much evidence now points to HIV-positivity, and similar
measures of immune system activation such as so-called viral load, as
being a consequence rather than cause of a compromised immune system.
They argue that the mistake came about because from the start, when HIV
was first postulated as the cause of Aids nearly 20 years ago, it never
proved possible to find the virus in any workable quantity in patients.
Normally, in determining whether a virus is the particular cause of an
illness, microbiologists first purify it from a patient with the disease
so that they know what it looks like under the electron microscope and
precisely what they are working with. They then grow the purified virus
in the laboratory, show it is present in all cases of the disease, that
there is a lot of it and that it is active in the body in a way that
accounts for the disease. They also try to reproduce the original
disease by introducing the virus into a susceptible animal.
In the case of HIV none of these requirements has been met, according to
Eleni Papadopulos-Eleopulos, a medical physicist and cell biology expert
at the Royal Perth Hospital. She says the root of the problem has been
an inability to take the first step, of purifying the virus. This
requires obtaining a concentration of 'HIV' particles, separating them
from other constituents of disrupted cells, photographing them (with an
electron microscope) in that isolated state and characterising them as a
unique set of virus particles. Most claims of 'virus isolation' in Aids
literature refer to a variety of indirect signals presumed, but never
proven, to indicate HIV's presence.
Particles which HIV scientists have presumed to be the virus can appear
when immune cells are cultured in the laboratory. But for that to
happen, the cells have to be chemically stimulated, then mixed and grown
for several weeks with abnormal cells (obtained from leukaemia patients
or foetal cord tissue). With such complicated procedures, it is not
clear whether the particles really indicate the presence of an
infectious virus, or are simply natural products of the over-stimulated
cells.
None of 150 chimpanzees inoculated with 'HIV' produced in this way
developed Aids as a result. After 20 years and billions of dollars,
scientists have never been able to demonstrate how the particles they
have termed 'HIV' could cause the collapse of the immune system seen in
Aids.
In a series of extensively referenced papers, Papadopulos-Eleopulos and
her prime collaborators, a consultant physician, Val Turner, and a
pathologist, John Papadimitriou, argue that whatever the condition,
whether Aids as originally described in the first US victims or the
long-established illnesses that have come to be described as Aids in
Africa, a positive test result does not demonstrate HIV infection but is
a non-specific marker for a variety of conditions. The belief that
almost all people who test HIV-positive are infected with a lethal virus
has not been scientifically substantiated.
'Just to see particles in the tissues, and fail to look for evidence
that it is an infective virus, is wrong,' says Papadimitriou, a
professor of pathology at the University of Western Australia renowned
for his work on electron microscopy. 'Are these particles that cause
disease? The proper controls have never been done.' Of Aids in Africa,
he comments: 'Why condemn a continent to death when you have other
explanations for why people are falling sick?'
The elusive nature of 'HIV' meant that scientists were never able to
validate the 'HIV' tests by showing the presence of virus in people who
test positive, or its absence in those who test negative. Instead, test
kits were calibrated to give a positive result when a person has high
levels of the antibodies that the test detects; and negative when the
level is low. High levels can indeed be shown to correlate with
ill-health, low levels to good health. So the test kits are useful as a
broad screen of blood quality, for example, or of the general health of
a group of people. But in accepting the test as indicating infection by
HIV, WHO and related authorities made what appears to have been a
terrible scientific blunder.
HIV pioneers such as Robin Weiss, now Professor of Viral Oncology at
University College, London, who developed the UK's first HIV test, admit
the early tests gave misleading results by reacting with infections
other than HIV. They say that later versions of the tests overcame these
problems. However, they have presented no evidence for that assertion.
The Perth group say all versions of the test are intrinsically defective
because of the failure to validate them by showing the unequivocal
presence of the virus in patients. Even repeatedly positive results are
no guarantee that a person is infected with HIV.
'When the principle of the test, the basis of it, has not been
established, it doesn't matter how many times you repeat it, you still
won't prove anything', Papadopulos-Eleopulos says.
Regulatory authorities have known for years that the test does not
diagnose or screen for risk of Aids; but hysteria was so great in the
early years that they chose to wash their hands of the problem. As far
back as 1986, an official of America's Food and Drug Administration
(FDA) told participants at a WHO meeting that the primary use of the
test was for screening blood donations and that 'it is inappropriate to
use this test as a screen for Aids or as a screen for members of groups
at increased risk for Aids in the general population'. He added,
however, that enforcing this intention 'would be analogous to enforcing
the Volstead Act, which prohibited alcoholic beverages sales in the
United States in the 1920s - simply not practical.'
Fiala points out that, however good the intentions may have been,
conducting the fight against Aids on this misleading basis has fatal
consequences. For example, in 1999 UNAids urged finance ministers in
African countries to cut their budgets for social security,
education,health, infrastructure and rural development, in favour of the
fight against Aids. As a result, non-Aids problems have suffered years
of neglect because of the panic created by WHO's distorted policies and
statistics.
In Uganda, there were 4,000 aid organisations in 1994 active in the
fight against HIV/Aids; yet many people still have no access to clean
drinking water, Fiala found. 'In 1990 the figure was 56 % [with clean
water]. Ten years and millions of dollars later, it was 50%.' In Kyotera,
a town in the Rakai district, a particularly large amount of money had
been spent on Aids, because it was supposed to be the most heavily
affected. 'Despite millions of aid funds, campaigns for abstinence and
the distribution of condoms, the people of Kyotera still have to get
their water during most of the year from an unprotected water hole which
they share with cattle.'
Aids experts tool around the country in four-wheel-drive,
air-conditioned vehicles, says Fiala, 'if they are not saving the world
from Aids in their comfortable offices or presenting their latest
medical experiments on Africans at an overseas conference. The [Ugandan]
government has not only bought condoms for millions of dollars on
credit, but borrows even more money from the industrialised countries to
buy imprecise HIV tests and toxic Aids medications.'
He concludes: 'The Aids hysteria of the last 20 years was indeed
politically correct, but led to a neglect of other far more important
aspects in health care.' While innumerable western companies, NGOs,
international organisations and Aids experts profited from it, it was to
the disadvantage of the people in Africa. 'Now, to err is human,' says
Fiala, 'but a policy that is obviously based on false assumptions and
has predominantly negative effects for those concerned has to be
discarded or adapted.
'Adhering to it leads to questions regarding the responsibility of the
decision-makers. The never more urgent question thus arises of when the
current policy will be rethought and adapted to the priorities of the
population. People in Africa need help and support. But it is neither
helpful nor effective if wrong data and absurd definitions are employed
to mislead and divert attention from the real problems.'
Neville Hodgkinson
Nuneham Park, Nuneham Courtenay,
Oxford OX44 9PG, UK
neville@bkwsugrc.demon.co.uk
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