|
Cultural Approach to HIV/AIDS Harm Reduction
in Muslim Countries
Memoona Hasnain
Director of Research
Department of Family Medicine
http://www.ids-healthcare.com/Common/Paper/Paper_60/Cultural%20Approach%20to.htm
Introduction
AIDS is far more than a medical and biological
problem [1]. Around the world, in the year 2003, the AIDS
epidemic claimed an estimated three million lives, and almost
five million people acquired HIV, 700,000 of them children [2].
The current course of the epidemic is unlikely to change unless
the people affected, and those at risk, make a concerted effort
to adopt preventive measures. Apart from inadvertent modes of
transmission, such as vertical transmission from mother to child
and accidental needle stick injuries among health care
professionals, certain types of behaviors, such as unprotected
sexual intercourse and sharing of hypodermic needles, place
individuals at increased risk for HIV and AIDS. The disease is
therefore largely avoidable by changes in personal behavior, in
other words by voluntary choice. Containment of the AIDS
epidemic thus depends on effecting change in behavior and
lifestyle to break the chain of transmission. This is all the
more challenging because the forces that shape and influence
human behavior that is injurious to health are very complex and
poorly understood.
Table 1: HIV/AIDS prevalence and AIDS-related mortality in
countries with 50 percent or greater Muslim population,
200120031
|
|
Country |
Estimated number of adults and children living with
HIV/AIDS |
Estimated number of deaths due to AIDS |
|
2001 |
2003 |
2001 |
2003 |
|
1 |
Afghanistan |
* |
* |
* |
* |
|
2 |
Albania |
* |
* |
* |
* |
|
3 |
Algeria |
* |
<10
000 |
* |
<500 |
|
4 |
Azerbaijan |
<10
000 |
<10
000 |
<500 |
* |
|
5 |
Bahrain |
<10
000 |
<10
000 |
* |
<500 |
|
6 |
Bangladesh |
10
000 <100 000 |
|
500
<1 000 |
|
|
7 |
Brunei Darussalam |
|
<10
000 |
|
|
|
8 |
Burkina Faso |
100
000 <500 000 |
100
000 <500 000 |
10
000 <50 000 |
10
000 <50 000 |
|
9 |
Chad |
100
000 <500 000 |
100
000 <500 000 |
10
000 <50 000 |
10
000 <50 000 |
|
10 |
Cocos (Keeling Island) |
* |
* |
* |
* |
|
11 |
Comoros |
* |
* |
* |
* |
|
12 |
Djibouti |
* |
<10
000 |
* |
500
<1 000 |
|
13 |
Egypt |
<10
000 |
10
000 <100 000 |
* |
500
<1 000 |
|
14 |
Eritrea |
10
000 <100 000 |
10
000 <100 000 |
<500 |
1
000 <10 000 |
|
15 |
Ethiopia |
>=2
M |
1 M
<2 M |
>=100 000 |
>=100 000 |
|
16 |
Gambia |
<10
000 |
<10
000 |
<500 |
500
<1 000 |
|
17 |
Gaza Strip |
* |
* |
* |
* |
|
18 |
Guinea |
* |
100
000 <500 000 |
* |
1
000 <10 000 |
|
19 |
Guinea-Bissau |
10
000 <100 000 |
* |
1
000 <10 000 |
|
|
20 |
Indonesia |
100
000 <500 000 |
100
000 <500 000 |
1
000 <10 000 |
1
000 <10 000 |
|
21 |
Iran (Islamic Republic of) |
10
000 <100 000 |
10
000 <100 000 |
<500 |
500
<1 000 |
|
22 |
Iraq |
<10
000 |
<10
000 |
* |
* |
|
23 |
Jordan |
<10
000 |
<10
000 |
* |
<500 |
|
24 |
Kazakhstan |
<10
000 |
10
000 <100 000 |
<500 |
<500 |
|
25 |
Kuwait |
|
|
|
|
|
26 |
Kyrgyzstan |
<10
000 |
<10
000 |
<500 |
<500 |
|
27 |
Lebanon |
|
<10
000 |
|
<500 |
|
28 |
Libyan Arab Jamahiriya |
<10
000 |
10
000 <100 000 |
* |
* |
|
29 |
Malaysia |
10
000 <100 000 |
10
000 <100 000 |
1
000 <10 000 |
1
000 <10 000 |
|
30 |
Maldives |
<10
000 |
* |
* |
* |
|
31 |
Mali |
100
000 <500 000 |
100
000 <500 000 |
10
000 <50 000 |
10
000 <50 000 |
|
32 |
Mauritania |
* |
<10
000 |
* |
<500 |
|
33 |
Mayotte |
* |
* |
* |
* |
|
34 |
Morocco |
10
000 <100 000 |
10
000 <100 000 |
* |
* |
|
35 |
Niger |
* |
10
000 <100 000 |
* |
1
000 <10 000 |
|
36 |
Nigeria |
>=2
M |
>=2
M |
>=100 000 |
>=100 000 |
|
37 |
Oman |
<10
000 |
<10
000 |
* |
<500 |
|
38 |
Pakistan |
10
000 <100 000 |
10
000 <100 000 |
1
000 <10 000 |
1
000 <10 000 |
|
39 |
Qatar |
* |
* |
* |
* |
|
40 |
Saudi Arabia |
* |
* |
* |
* |
|
41 |
Senegal |
10
000 <100 000 |
10
000 <100 000 |
1
000 <10 000 |
1
000 <10 000 |
|
42 |
Sierra Leone |
100
000 <500 000 |
* |
10
000 <50 000 |
* |
|
43 |
Somalia |
10
000 <100 000 |
* |
* |
* |
|
44 |
Sudan |
100
000 <500 000 |
100
000 <500 000 |
10
000 <50 000 |
10
000 <50 000 |
|
45 |
Syrian Arab Republic |
* |
<10
000 |
* |
<500 |
|
46 |
Tajikistan |
<10
000 |
<10
000 |
* |
<500 |
|
47 |
Togo |
100
000 <500 000 |
100
000 <500 000 |
10
000 <50 000 |
10
000 <50 000 |
|
48 |
Tunisia |
* |
<10
000 |
* |
<500 |
|
49 |
Turkey |
* |
|
* |
* |
|
50 |
Turkmenistan |
<10
000 |
<10
000 |
<500 |
* |
|
51 |
United Arab Emirates |
* |
* |
* |
* |
|
52 |
United Republic of Tanzania |
1 M
<2 M |
1 M
<2 M |
>=100 000 |
>=100 000 |
|
53 |
Uzbekistan |
<10
000 |
10
000 <100 000 |
<500 |
<500 |
|
54 |
West Bank |
* |
* |
* |
* |
|
55 |
Western Sahara |
* |
* |
* |
* |
|
56 |
Yemen |
* |
* |
* |
* |
1
Sources:
a
. For HIV/AIDS statistics: World Health Organization Global
Health Atlas 2005, available at:
www.globalatlas.who.int/globalatlas /
b
. For percentage of Muslim population: CIA World Fact Book 2005,
available at:
www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook /
*
Data not available
In recent years, increasing attention is being
paid to the manner in which social and cultural variables
influence risk behaviors related to HIV infection transmission.
Though the association of contentious ethical and moral issues
with HIV risk behaviors exists in all societies, it is much more
pronounced in the Muslim world. Thus understanding the role of
social and cultural variables affecting HIV transmission in
Muslim countries is critical for the development and
implementation of successful HIV prevention programs.
Harm
reduction is a pragmatic philosophy that aims to
reduce risks to the individual and the community associated with
some often stigmatized, antisocial or illegal behaviors. For
HIV/AIDS prevention in Muslim countries, the concept of harm
reduction is just as important as in non-Muslim countries. The
perspective of harm reduction, developed primarily from work on
AIDS and drug problems in the Netherlands [3,4] and United
Kingdom [5,6], is a pragmatic approach to the social and
individual problems associated with the misuse of psychoactive
drugs. In the context of injection drug users, it translates
into making sure that if drug misuse cannot be eliminated, some
of the problematic risk behaviors leading to HIV transmission,
such as sharing of contaminated injection equipment, be reduced.
Harm reduction provides a strong rationale for such services as
syringe-exchange programs and methadone maintenance treatment.
The
purpose of this paper is to explore the extent of
the HIV/AIDS problem in Muslim countries and discuss the
modalities of employing a cultural approach as a strategy for
harm reduction and, hence, prevention of further spread of the
disease.
The
Changing Face of HIV/AIDS: An Emerging Problem in Muslim
Countries
The reliability of the available HIV/AIDS
incidence, prevalence and mortality data for Muslims is low
because many Muslim countries either do not report their
statistics or are under-reporting. Global epidemiological
indicators, including data from the World Health Organization's
Global Health Atlas, do indicate evidence of the burgeoning
threat of an HIV/AIDS crisis in Muslim countries. Table 1
provides HIV/AIDS prevalence and AIDS-related mortality data in
countries with 50 percent or greater Muslim population, for the
period 2001 to 2003. A recent report from the National Bureau of
Asian Research in the United States also notes that the
ever-growing HIV/AIDS crisis in the Muslim world is a problem
that poses potentially serious dangers at the national,
regional, and international levels [7].
The continent of Africa, particularly the
southern region, continues to have the highest HIV/AIDS
incidence and prevalence rates globally [8]. The number of
HIV-positive adults range from 610% in Nigeria, and 1018% in
Ethiopia; both countries have a majority of residents who are
Muslims. By the year 2010, 40% of the African population, where
the disease burden is highest, will be Muslim [9]. Some Muslim
countries, such as Sudan and Nigeria already show evidence of an
explosive epidemic (Table 1). In the Eastern Hemisphere,
countries like Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan,
and Uzbekistan, which were part of the former Soviet Union, face
a young and rapidly growing epidemic. East and Southeast Asia,
which include countries like China and India containing some of
the world's largest populations, show indicators of soon
surpassing Africa in terms of their absolute number of cases, if
HIV/AIDS rates continue to escalate at their current rate [2].
These projections hold particular relevance for HIV/AIDS in
Muslim populations; India and China, though not identified as
Muslim countries, have a significant number of Muslims
(approximately 138 million Muslims in India, and 40 million in
China).
The under-reporting of HIV and AIDS cases in
Muslim countries has serious bearings on disease surveillance
and monitoring. In the Eastern Mediterranean Region, an
estimated 700,000 people are currently living with HIV/AIDS but
only 14,198 AIDS cases have been officially registered since the
start of the epidemic, indicating under detection,
under-reporting, and surveillance difficulties [10]. Of the 22
countries of the region, complete data were lacking for nine
countries for 2003, and data from two others had to be discarded
because of reporting problems. Although the prevalence of HIV
infection among adults in the Eastern Mediterranean Region
(0.3%) is roughly equivalent to figures for Western Europe, the
number of estimated new HIV/AIDS cases for 2003 is about 60%
higher (55,000 in the Eastern Mediterranean Region versus 35,000
in Western Europe), demonstrating the alarming increase in the
epidemic in the region [10]. Even though the absolute number of
HIV/AIDS cases in the majority of Muslim countries, particularly
those in the Middle East or South East Asia, such as Pakistan,
may still be lower than other countries; complacency toward this
issue will be costly, both in terms of lives and health care
costs.
Reasons for the spread of HIV in Muslim
countries are open to speculations. Islam places a high value on
chaste behavior and prohibits sexual intercourse outside of
marriage. It specifically prohibits adultery, homosexuality, and
the use of intoxicants [11]. Then how can the spread of HIV/AIDS
in Muslim countries be explained? A logical explanation is that
in spite of Islamic teachings, some Muslims do engage in
activities that lead to acquiring HIV; these risky practices
include illicit drug use and/or premarital or extra marital sex.
Men who engage in risky behaviors have the potential of
transmitting the disease to their unsuspecting wives. Women, on
the other hand, also are directly susceptible; in many Muslim
countries, brothels and other forms of commercial sex trade are
prevalent. The sex workers have poor social support and they are
not screened for sexually transmitted diseases including HIV,
thus contributing to the spread of infection. Injection drug
users (IDUs) also are rapidly becoming a population of
increasing concern in the transmission of HIV and AIDS, not only
in western countries such as the United States [12-15], but also
in developing countries, including Muslim countries. Sex- and
drug-related behaviors of IDUs can facilitate HIV transmission
even when syringes are not directly shared [15-18].
Challenges
With regard to curtailing the spread of
disease, it is particularly troublesome that a majority of
governments in countries with primarily Muslim populations have
been slow to respond to the rapidly spreading disease. Despite
the evidence of an advancing epidemic, the typical response from
the policy makers in Muslim countries is to propagate Muslim
ideals, mainly abstention from illicit drug and sexual
practices, for protection against HIV infection.Sexuality,
considered a private matter, is taboo for discussion. More
importantly, there is a denial by most governments in Muslim
countries that they are facing an increasing HIV/AIDS threat.
The issue of HIV/AIDS prevention in Muslim
countries is a complex problem and requires a multifaceted
approach with particular attention to cultural norms. In order
to devise harm reduction strategies for HIV prevention in these
countries, it is important to study the social dynamics and
practices of the populations at risk. Analysis of the cultural
context in which risk behaviors occur provides meaningful
insight into those factors that shape and define the external
reality within which these behaviors take place. Knowledge of
why people behave in certain ways and the resources available to
them becomes helpful in assisting them to access and utilize
available preventive and therapeutic resources. In the context
of high-risk groups, it is important to understand that even
within them, some individuals choose to indulge in risk
behaviors while others do not.
Philipson and Posner [19] note that human
actors make rational choices aimed at maximizing the expected
utility of the outcome. The subjective welfare of the actor and
presence of uncertainty are two inherent components of expected
utility maximization. When acquiring information is costly, an
uninformed choice one that underestimates or overestimates the
risk to health of some contemplated action may still be
expected utility maximization. Therefore, when education and
counseling services are not readily and cheaply available, or
when accessing such services means that the user has to disclose
risk behaviors and is afraid to do so, he/she has no course but
to make uninformed decisions. Effective counseling and education
have been shown to change sexual behavior and reduce the risk of
HIV transmission even in highrisk groups.
In the context of HIV/AIDS prevention and
treatment in Muslim countries, the principles of harm reduction
or harm minimization can certainly be utilized to prevent or
minimize the spread of HIV infection. However, a clear
distinction needs to be made that this approach does not
advocate illicit drug and sex related practices. The harm
reduction concept which has been successfully applied in
substance abusers can also be applied to other high risk groups,
such as commercial sex workers. Because consistent condom use
has been linked to reductions in HIV seroincidence [15,20,21],
and because reductions in frequency of unprotected sex also
predict lower levels of HIV infection incidence, the behavioral
effects of the intervention carry considerable public health
importance. In addition to counseling, IDUs could be provided
needles at reduced prices or even free of charge. Regular
screenings for sexually transmitted infections (including HIV),
and antiretroviral therapy, should make significant
contributions to HIV prevention, early detection, and
appropriate treatment where required.
In the Muslim World, religion defines culture
and the culture gives meaning to every aspect of an individual's
life. The following contentious issues need particular attention
when designing HIV prevention programs for Muslim countries:
1.
Gender Inequality
In a majority of Muslim societies, there
exists an imbalance in power between men and women, which is
apparent in heterosexual relations as well as in the economic
and social spheres of life with men having greater power than
women. For most women, the private life within the sanctuary of
their houses is their whole life. Women remain uneducated and
deprived of resources, making them unaware of their civil, legal
and sexual rights, economically vulnerable and largely dependent
on men. Due to these inequalities, women are more susceptible to
contracting HIV/AIDS as they are less likely to be able to
negotiate with their partners infected with HIV/AIDS. Women also
are easy targets for abusive relationships and are less able to
cope with illness once infected.
2. Stigma and Discrimination
The social stigma attached to HIV/AIDS that
exists in all societies is much more pronounced in Muslim
cultures due to the religious doctrine regarding illicit sex and
drug related practices. There are greater negative sanctions for
illicit sexual conduct than drug use. Even if there is a
suspicion of illicit sexual conduct, the affected person(s) is
discriminated against and shunned by the family as well as by
the community. The stigma attached to risk behaviors thus
prevents those at risk from coming forward for appropriate
counseling, testing and treatment, as this would involve
disclosure of their risky practices. This results in creating
barriers to successful implementation of prevention and
treatment strategies where they do exist.
3. Ignorance/Misinformation
In developed countries, a majority of the
population is aware of the modes of transmission for HIV
infection, whereas in the developing countries, misconceptions
about the disease and its causes are rampant. Most persons
residing in Muslim countries assume that all HIV infections are
transmitted only through immoral sexual behaviors and are
unaware that it can also be transmitted inadvertently through
mother-to-child, accidental pricking of skin and contact with
contaminated blood (as in the case of health care professionals)
or the possibility of an innocent spouse getting infected by the
husband who may have acquired HIV though sexual or drug related
contact with other infected persons. Therefore, due to lack of
education, expression of compassion towards HIV/AIDS patients is
perceived as tolerance towards the practices that lead to
acquiring the infection.
4. Other issues
In addition to the issues outlined above, the
main challenges to instituting an HIV prevention approach
include poverty and economic instability, lack of education,
wars, internal conflicts, refugees, migrant labor forces,
intimidating role of religious leaders and activists, and lack
of healthcare resources and infrastructure.
In summary, the existing social, cultural and
religious frameworks in Muslim countries do not provide an
environment for any safe disclosure for persons who are
infected. Hence, the development of effective prevention and
support services is often impeded. Meanwhile, growing gender
imbalances in HIV rates among women, and the tendency for the
virus to be found disproportionately among marginalized and
disadvantaged populations throughout the Muslim world, mirror
deeply entrenched systems of societal inequality that help to
fuel further spread of the epidemic. For those who are not
educated, cultural expectations are very difficult to disregard.
Containment of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in Muslim countries depends
on a combination of individual and community level efforts to
effect change in behavior and lifestyle to break the chain of
transmission.
Recommendations
There is an urgent need for developing and implementing policy
and programs that provide AIDS education and awareness, prohibit
stigmatization, and advocate compassion. Like most religions,
Islam condemns homosexuality, drug use, and sex outside of
marriage. Though the most important means of protection is
obviously abstinence from sex and to remain faithful to the
marriage partner, however, Muslims must recognize that in many
instances there is a gap between religious teaching and
practice; risky behaviors that may not be allowed by Islam are
indeed practiced. The main challenge is how to bridge this gap.
Religious scholars seem to be divided on the concept of harm
reduction. In countries where HIV/AIDS is a rapidly rising
threat, such as Uganda [22] and Indonesia [23], religious
scholars are taking a more flexible stance and justify the
provision and use of condoms and clean needles through Qur'anic
and Hadith passages. They reason that the sanctity of life is
greater than the sin of condom use and that this strategy can be
used as a short term measure, permissible under a state of
emergency. On the other hand, in countries with low incidence
and prevalence of HIV/AIDS, religious leaders believe that
approving promotion of condoms and clean needles will encourage
sexual promiscuity and drug use. To address these controversies,
the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) should step forward
and assume a central role in drafting harm reduction strategies
for Muslim countries.
Any effort directed at harm reduction and HIV
prevention needs to take into consideration the powerful impact
of religious leaders in the community as they play a critical
role in Muslim culture. It is important to be cognizant of the
reality that religious leaders take issue with harm reduction
strategies due to the moral issue involved with the idea of harm
reduction. There is a perception that promoting safe injection
and sex related practices will promote illicit drug and sex
behaviors. Hence, for HIV prevention programs to be successful,
collaboration with religious scholars and leaders is a key
element. It is critical to win their confidence and educate
them. Not all cases of HIV and AIDS are contracted through
needle exchange or sexual intercourse, and second, regardless of
the route of transmission, once a person is infected, he/she
should not be treated as a criminal but should be considered a
patient suffering from a disease. Just as patients afflicted
with any disease deserve the provision of clinical care and
support from their family and the society, patients suffering
from HIV/AIDS have all the rights to the same services, support
and compassion.
Examples of successful prevention efforts that
involved religious leaders in Muslim societies include those of
Uganda [24] and Senegal [25,26]. In 1992, the Islamic Medical
Association of Uganda designed an AIDS prevention project and
after conducting a baseline survey prior to community level
activities, instituted prevention activities in local Muslim
communities. Twenty-three trainers educated over 3,000 religious
leaders and their assistants, who in turn educated their
communities about AIDS during home visits and at religious
gatherings. After two years, there was a significant increase in
accurate knowledge of HIV transmission, methods of preventing
HIV infection and the risk associated with ablution of the dead
and unsterile circumcision. More importantly, there was a
significant reduction in self-reported sexual partners among the
young respondents of less than 45 years of age. In addition,
there was a significant increase in selfreported condom use
among males in urban areas [24]. A recent report notes that
there is a tangible decline of HIV/ AIDS incidence among members
of Uganda's Muslim community from 18 percent in the early 90's
to the current rate of 6 percent [22].
Senegal also is one of the best examples
regarding HIV/ AIDS prevention by engaging religious
institutions in a proactive role. In March 1990, 260 religious
leaders attended a conference on AIDS and reached a consensus to
make AIDS control a national priority. Unlike other African
countries, HIV/AIDS prevention is a regularly discussed topic in
the Friday prayers in mosques in Senegal. From 1989 to 1996, the
levels of HIV infection estimated in four sentinel urban regions
remained stable at around 1.2 percent in the population of
pregnant women, and at three percent in male STD patients [25].
The current 1.2 percent AIDS prevalence rate in the general
population of Senegal is in stark contrast to the rest of the
continent which has an average AIDS prevalence rate of 3035
percent. The level of knowledge of preventive practices relating
to HIV/AIDS among the general population exceeded 90 percent in
the early 1990s.
The reasons for Senegal's successful HIV
control are: 1) a good STD tracking system that has been in
place since 1969; and 2) AIDS education, utilizing religious
institutions and mass media sources such as the radio [26]. From
available data, Senegal can rightfully claim to have contained
the spread of HIV by intervening early and comprehensively to
increase awareness of and knowledge about HIV/AIDS, and to
promote safe sexual behaviors via religion and education.
In the context of the AIDS epidemic, limited
attention has been paid to the manner in which political,
economic and social variables constrain or enable individual
behavior related to AIDS [27]. The association of variables such
as social capital [28], human capital (educational attainment)
[29], and religiosity [30] with HIV risk compels prevention
efforts to look beyond the traditional biomedical model of
disease prevention. In order to find workable means of combating
this disease, research also needs to be directed towards its
critically important cultural dimensions [31-33]. The major
focus of preventive efforts should be aimed at behavioral
change, minimizing the transmission of HIV through unsafe sexual
practices and the sharing of contaminated injection drug
equipment. The models developed and successfully implemented in
western countries can be tailored according to local culture and
norms to address the needs of those at risk of or suffering from
HIV/AIDS in Muslim countries. In addition to proper food,
housing, education, employment, regardless of country of
residence, all persons at risk of or suffering from HIV/AIDS
should have the right to safe disclosure and appropriate health
care.
There also is an urgent need in Muslim
countries for increasing infection surveillance and enhancing
HIV preventive and therapeutic services for high-risk groups,
such as commercial sex workers, drug abusers, and those with
alternative sexual lifestyles, not simply those who identify
themselves as being either infected or possibly infected. In
addition, legislative and social changes, such as protecting the
legal rights of the infected, promoting safer alternative
behaviors among high-risk groups, and spreading the message that
being a good Muslim can include taking care of those infected by
HIV would be helpful in combating the spread of the disease.
HIV/AIDS education and control efforts could also become part of
each citizen's duty. The international community can also assist
by helping poorer countries establish social programs or simply
sharing experience in drug treatment and behavioral change
efforts [7].
In
summary, our recommendations to stem the spread of
HIV in Muslim countries include:
1.
Addressing
the underlying societal problems such as poverty, lack of
education and gender imbalance;
2.
Developing
collaborative prevention and care models (including all possible
stakeholders such as, religious scholars, academics, expert
health professionals, policy makers, non governmental
organization, community based organizations, and HIV positive
persons);
3.
Development
and provision of appropriate healthcare resources and
infrastructure including:
o
Blood
safety and infection control
o
Appropriate
surveillance and reporting mechanisms
o
Drug abuse
prevention and rehabilitation services
o
Medical
care and social support including HIV counseling, testing and
treatment facilities
o
Adequate
number of trained health care workforce
o
Appropriate
reproductive health care programs
o
Broader
efforts directed at enhancing information, education and
communication.
Conclusion
The challenge of addressing the rising threat
of the spread of HIV/AIDS in Muslim countries/societies is
significant. The most effective public health method of
controlling the spread of AIDS is education and changing the way
people behave. Political, financial, and social barriers have
often kept the most effective prevention and treatment
strategies from reaching persons at the highest risk. There is a
need to ensure sustained access to preventive and treatment
services for all high-risk groups. The goal of prevention is
best achieved through an ongoing process, open to change and
flexible to adaptation. Incorporating such change within
religious and cultural frameworks is no easy task. This is the
challenge we are facing and it is up to us, individually and
collectively, as health care professionals and researchers to
respond.
To ensure ongoing usefulness of public health
policies related to HIV prevention, we must learn to synthesize
old knowledge with new, and, at the same time, utilize
opportunities to choose new directions. The framework proposed
in this paper can serve as an initial model for appropriate HIV
prevention and care programs in Muslim countries. Risk needs to
be viewed within the context of the social subculture of Muslim
countries to design strategies to reduce risk behaviors related
to HIV transmission. The social dimension of health mandates
that policy and program measures to stop AIDS be a balance of
social and biomedical scientific efforts. Our recommendations
include education, involvement and mobilization of diverse
stakeholders, particularly religious leaders; establishing
sustainable financing for AIDS treatment and drug procurement;
institutingregulatory mechanisms to ensure blood safety and
appropriate delivery of HIV/AIDS counseling, screening and
treatment services; improvement in health infrastructure; and
training of health care workers. None of the above will be
successful without reducing the stigma associated with HIV and
AIDS, developing compassion for those afflicted, and designing
harm reduction strategies which would be conceptually integrated
within the existing social, cultural, and religious frameworks
in Muslim countries.
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