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DRAFT INTERIM
REPORT
Part
1
2
3
4
5
6
The
socio-economic impact of HIV/AIDS on households in South Africa:
Pilot study in Welkom and QwaQwa, Free State Province
Booysen, F. le
R., Van Rensburg, H.C.J., Bachmann, M., O'Brien, M. & Steyn, F.
OCTOBER 2001
University of
the Free State
Centre for
Health Systems Research & Development
This research paper is sponsored by USAID and administered by the
Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies Inc. under a
subcontract agreement from Nathan Associates Inc.
EXECUTIVE
SUMMARY
-
The impact of
HIV/AIDS on households was assessed by means of a longitudinal
(cohort) study of households affected by the disease. The CHSR&D
established a formal relationship with various stakeholders in the
two study sites to facilitate the recruitment of affected
households. Verbal informed consent was obtained from infected
individuals to interview the households to which they belong. The
household impact of HIV/AIDS was determined by comparing over time
the observed trends in socioeconomic variables in HIV/AIDS
households and a control group using statistical methods. For this
purpose, a survey on the quality of life and the economics of
affected and non-affected households was conducted. The results
reported in this first interim report are based on a cross-section
analysis of the data collected during the first phase of the
project.
-
Households
affected by HIV predictably had a higher burden of morbidity and
death. People living in affected household were 4 times as likely
to have been ill in the last month, and to have infectious disease
during their last illness. Affected households had an adjusted
average of 2 more people ill during the last month than did
unaffected households. Ill people in affected households had more
severe illness, indicated by hospital admission (adjusted odds
ratio (OR)=10), not recovering (OR=5) and inability to perform
daily tasks (OR=3). 20% of affected households had experienced a
death during the past 6 months, compared to 1% of unaffected
households. 2 affected households each experienced 2 deaths.
Affected households were much more likely to have experienced a
death of a family member during in the last 6 months (adjusted
OR=25).
-
Rural location
and lower income aggravated the disease burden. The risk of death
in rural QwaQwa was twice as high (adjusted OR=2) as in urban
Welkom, while probability of recent illness was marginally higher
(OR=1.3). Aside from affected/unaffected and urban/rural household
status, other predictors of morbidity outcomes in multivariable
models included lower household income, age, highest education
level, and employment status. Mortality risk among households was
higher if females comprising a larger proportion of a household,
and was independent if other risk factors.
-
People who
were sick in the last month were most likely to have used primary
care, that is, government clinics, followed by private doctors. A
quarter of ill people were admitted to hospital during their last
episode. Among deaths in affected households, the commonest final
source of health care was government hospitals (55%), followed by
traditional healers (18%).
-
The mean cost
of health care among ill household members during their last
episode was estimated to be R98, with a positively skewed
distribution. The mean cost of health care for household members
who died was estimated to be R167, also with a skewed
distribution. The median cost of funeral expenses was R4000-5000
per death. Relatively few households reported lost income due to
illness or death. However this may reflect chronically ill or
dying people having been unemployed for some time before their
illness or death.
-
Most
households with ill or dying members carried a burden of caring,
and this was greater in affected than in unaffected households.
75% of ill people required someone to care for them at home
(relative risk among affected versus unaffected households: 1.2),
while 68% required someone to accompany them to health care (RR
1.8). Relatively few carers lost income as a result. Few carers
came from outside the household (7% among cases of illness and 5%
among fatal cases).
-
Affected
households on average are slightly larger than non-affected
household in terms of household size. However, the dependency
ratio in affected household are higher than that in non-affected
households, implying that households affected by HIV/AIDS in fact
have a smaller supply of labor than non-affected households, with
a larger proportion of the household consisting of children and
elderly persons. Illness and death in affected households also
occurred mainly among members belonging to the economically active
population (age 15-49), again emphasizing the adverse effect of
the epidemic on the supply of labor in affected households.
-
Affected
households are poorer than non-affected households, regardless of
whether income and expenditure is measured at the household or
individual level or in adult equivalent terms.
-
Affected
households are more dependent on non-employment sources of income
(which consists primarily of government grants but also includes
the value of own produce consumed by the household), while a
smaller proportion of their income consists on employment income.
-
Affected
households spend less on food than non-affected households, with
per capita and adult equivalent levels of expenditure on food
representing between 70% and 80% of the levels of expenditure in
non-affected households. In the longer run, this may contribute to
malnutrition amongst household members.
-
Affected
households, in terms of the composition of household expenditure,
allocate relatively MORE of their resources on food, health care
and rent and LESS to education, clothing, personal items and
durables when compared to non-affected households. Differences in
the share of expenditure allocated to household maintenance and
transport and relatively small and may not indicate significant
differences in patterns of expenditure.
-
Affected
households save approximately 40% less than non-affected
households on a monthly basis. Non-affected households have
considerably higher levels of current debt than non-affected
households. There are no considerable differences between the
monthly repayment of debt by affected and non-affected households,
which means that the servicing of current debt puts a relative
larger burden on affected than non-affected households, given
their lower levels of income.
-
The most
frequent responses of households to financial crises seem to be
borrowing, followed by the utilization of savings and the sale of
assets. Households were more likely to have borrowed, utilized
savings or sold an asset where a larger number of deaths had
occurred in the recent past, in households where expenditure on
average was higher and in larger households headed by younger
persons. Coping financially in one or more of these ways was also
more likely in rural than in urban areas, given that rural areas
are generally poorer than urban areas. Very few households
experiencing a recent death had received a lump-sum payment or
inheritance following the death, underscoring the few means poor
households have to cope with the effect of a recent death.
-
A slightly
larger number of non-affected households have borrowed money in
the twelve months prior to the survey compared to non-affected
households. 72% and 25% of the affected household that borrowed
money were respectively affected by illness and death, with only
25% and 2% of non-affected households respectively being affected
by illness and death. In more than 60% of cases the money was
borrowed from relatives and friends, while just more 20% of loans
were obtained from money- or micro-lenders. A larger proportion of
affected households indicated that the money was used to pay for
funerals and medical expenses, whereas a larger proportion of
non-affected households indicated that the money was used to pay
for education, durables and clothing.
-
A larger
percentage of affected households have in the six months prior to
the interview utilized savings than was the case in non-affected
households. 76 and 48% of households that utilized savings were
respectively affected by illness or by death, compared to 9 and 0%
of non-affected households. The two purposes for utilizing savings
sited most often by affected households were to pay for funerals
and medical expenses, while non-affected households mainly used
savings to pay for education and the maintenance of assets. The
magnitude of dissaving is considerable. Affected households on
average utilized twenty-one months of savings, whereas
non-affected household only utilized five months of current
savings. Households in which a death occurred in the six months
prior to the survey utilized thirty-eight months of current
savings. Households were more likely to have utilized savings when
having experienced a larger number of recent deaths, when having
no access to medical aid, when expenditure was higher, when headed
by younger persons and where the dependency ratio was lower.
-
Given that
households on average owned few assets, only a small percentage of
households sold assets in the twelve months prior to the survey.
Households primarily sold household appliances, which represent
more than 50% of the type of assets sold, and the assets sold by
households were in most cases (with the exception of the sale of
cattle by one household) of a non-productive nature. The reasons
these assets were sold for do not outright suggest that HIV/AIDS
plays an important role in causing affected households to sell
assets. However, this may only indicate that affected households
that do sell assets actually do so to pay for expenses they can no
longer afford since having to pay for medical expenses and
funerals from available resources.
-
The cost of
morbidity to households are relatively low where unemployment
levels are very high and household members are primarily cared for
by family members with no direct loss of income.
-
A death puts
a much greater financial burden on a household than does illness.
In a worst case scenario, the burden on affected households
amounted to 3.4 times average monthly household income and 5.7
times average monthly household expenditure. Under alternative
assumptions, the total cost represents 2.6 and 4.4 times average
monthly household income and expenditure. Unlike in the case of
illness, the cost of a death to households remain high even where
unemployment levels are very high and household members are
primarily cared for by relatives with no direct loss of income.
This can be attributed to the fact the funeral costs are very high
and represent the largest share of the cost of mortality.
-
A relatively
small percentage of children aged 7-13 were not attending school
at the time of the interview (2.3%), whereas 8.9% of children aged
14-18 years were not attending schooling. In total 5.2% of
children of school-going age was not attending school. A larger
proportion of children in affected households not currently
enrolled in school were female (60.7%). Children were less likely
to still be attending school if they belong to households in which
the household head is male rather than female. In the case of
children aged 7-13, children belonging to households that shelter
one or more orphans were amongst others less likely to still be
attending school. Children aged 14-18 was more likely to not be
attending school if they are older, if they are female, if they
belong to households having experienced an increasing number of
recent deaths, and if they belong to households that received no
government grants. In general, the results indicate that a death
in a household may result in older children in poorer,
female-headed households being forced to interrupt their
schooling.
-
27.6% of
children aged fifteen years and under have lost their mother,
mother or father, and both mother and father. Although a larger
number of orphans are to be found in affected households,
non-affected households also shelter a number of orphans. Only one
orphaned child that belonged to an affected household was not
attending school at the time. Households that shelter orphaned
children generally are headed by females and by persons that are
widowed.
-
Poverty in
combination with the HIV/AIDS epidemic seems to represent a major
threat to the livelihood of households. Affected households have
been shown to be poorer than non-affected households. The single
most important predictor of poverty status is access to medical
aid. Households with access to medical aid respectively were 16
and 15 times more likely to not be poor if poverty status is
determined relative to household income and expenditure. In
addition, households not affected by illness were more likely to
not be poor, as was households sharing a larger number of years of
schooling between its members having a larger number of employed
members.
Background
and problem statement
The HIV/AIDS
epidemic poses a severe threat to the economies of developing
countries, and those on the African continent in particular. South
Africa, which is being affected fundamentally by the epidemic, is no
exception. By the end of 1997, 2.8 million people were estimated to
be living with HIV/AIDS in South Africa. By 1999, this figure had
increased to 3.5 million. The estimated prevalence of HIV/AIDS among
the country's adult population (11.8 per cent) is amongst the
highest in the world (ILO, 2000). According to the
Metropolitan-Doyle model, the number of South African living with
HIV/AIDS will increase from 160 000 to almost one million between
2000 and 2010. The annual number of AIDS deaths is estimated to
increase from 120 000 to between 545 and 635 thousand between 2000
and 2010 (Abt Associates, 2000: 8-9). The number of children younger
than fifteen years orphaned by AIDS has been estimated to be 800 000
by 2005, rising to more than 1.95 million by 2010 (Abt Associates,
2000: 11). These infected individuals and affected children all
belong to individual households and their deaths will have a
significant impact on their families. Hence, the epidemic will have
a considerably impact on households in South Africa.
Over the next
ten to fifteen years, the epidemic has the potential to erode
development gains made in past decades. As the disease takes its
toll on the economically active population, production and demand
are expected to decline, which will slow down economic growth and
development. The disease will also have serious budgetary
implications in terms of increased government expenditure on health
care and social security, which will be aggravated by the decline in
government revenue due to declining economic activity (Barnett and
Whiteside, 1998; ILO, 2000). These effects of HIV/AIDS are not
accounted for in the government's existing framework of economic
policy, i.e. the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR)
strategy and Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP). In
fact, GEAR currently envisages continued increases in economic
growth, job creation and redistribution over the next three
financial years (National Treasury, 1999). This is an unlikely
scenario since the impact of HIV/AIDS is expected to become manifest
during the next five to ten years. The AIDS epidemic generally lags
about eight years behind the HIV epidemic, which explains why the
impact of HIV+ prevalence rates currently observed will only really
materialize in five to ten years’ time.
Research into
the socio-economic impact of HIV/AIDS on households and communities
is crucial in guiding current and future policies and intervention
strategies intended to absorb this impact. From an economic point
of view, the primary impact of the disease manifests mainly among
individual economic agents, i.e. individuals and households. An
assessment of the socio-economic of HIV/AIDS would therefore have to
start on this micro-level of analysis. Aspects of such assessment,
amongst other things, will include determining how the disease
affects the economic decisions and position of individuals and
households over time, i.e. how they generate, save, invest and spend
income in response to the disease, and how this in turn affects
their quality of life. To date no comprehensive, longitudinal study
of the impact of HIV/AIDS on such a micro-level of analysis has been
conducted in South Africa, neither in an urban nor in a rural
setting. Arndt and Lewis (2000), furthermore, have performed a
preliminary assessment of the macroeconomic implications of HIV/AIDS
for South Africa. Yet, their macroeconomic model still fails to
allow for the effects of a number of important microeconomic impacts
which are endogenous to such model, amongst others that of asset
sales and investments in human capital. This failure to a large
extent derives from the lack of household level economic data with
which to quantify these assumptions. Work on the macroeconomic model
maintained by the Department of Finance faces similar constraints (Compernolle,
2000).
OBJECTIVES
The project had
the following broad objectives, which will be discussed in more
detail later in this document.
§
develop and test a methodology for assessing the socio-economic
impact of HIV/AIDS at the individual and household level in both an
urban and a rural setting;
§
identify and capture the standard minimum criteria and indicators to
be incorporated into the methods of methodologies of studies of this
nature;
§
describe and evaluate the impact of different informal coping
strategies and support systems adopted by individuals, households
and communities, as well as that of formal HIV/AIDS-related
interventions of national and provincial government departments and
local authorities (TLCs), in terms of their impact over time on the
quality of life of affected households living in both urban and
rural areas;
§ inform
economic growth analyses and studies on the macroeconomic impact of
HIV/AIDS by projecting information about the microeconomic impact of
the disease onto trends in labor market participation, spending,
savings and investment; and
§
propose a framework for national 'best practice' for improving the
quality of life of affected households in urban and rural
communities based on existing macro- and micro-, as well as formal
and informal responses to HIV/AIDS.
Approach and
method
(i)
Population
The impact of
HIV/AIDS on individuals and households was assessed by means of a
cohort study of households affected by the disease, and compared
with a control group of matched households unaffected by the
disease. It was conducted in two local communities in the Free State
province, one urban (Welkom) and one rural (QwaQwa), in which the
HIV/AIDS epidemic is particularly rife. Of the nine provinces in
South Africa, the Free State has the second highest prevalence of
HIV/AIDS and is also the province with the second highest rate of
increase in the prevalence of HIV/AIDS (Cohen, 2000). Welkom is
situated in Region C, one of six former health regions in the Free
State. In 1997, Region C had the highest HIV prevalence among
antenatal clinic attendees of all the six health regions in the
province, i.e. 26.6 per cent. HIV prevalence in this region is the
second highest in South Africa. The prevalence of HIV/AIDS in the
former QwaQwa is also very high compared to other health districts.
Because of high unemployment, men from this area are often employed
as migrant laborers in towns and cities away from their homes. In
addition, the lack of infrastructure, poor services and poor living
conditions characteristic of this area further increases the
vulnerability of the local population to the HIV/AIDS epidemic.
According to the
report entitled Measuring Poverty published by Statistics SA
early in 2000, the Welkom magisterial district is the third richest
in the Free State province, with a headcount poverty ratio of 0.34
and average monthly household expenditure of R2364. The magisterial
district of Witsieshoek, which is within the boundaries of the
former QwaQwa, is the poorest in the Free State province and also
ranks amongst the poorest in the country. The headcount poverty
ratio in this district is 0.69, while average monthly household
expenditure amounts to R807. Thus, the particular selection of study
sites also allows one to compare the household impact of HIV/AIDS
between communities that differ substantially in terms of the level
of poverty (Statistics South Africa, 2000).
(ii)
Sampling
The
identification of participants in the study, particularly of
affected households, requires ethically meticulous research conduct.
The myths and secrecy surrounding the disease, as well as the fear
of stigmatization and protection of the identity of people living
with HIV/AIDS, pose a real challenge for research of this nature
since it complicates the identification and selection of
participants. The participation of households in this research
project is voluntary and based on confidentiality and informed
consent and the study is introduced to respondents as such during
the fieldwork. The research protocol was submitted to the Research
Ethics Committee of the University of the Free State for approval in
order to safeguard the rights of the participants and to ensure
ethical standards of research. The committee has approved the study.
Letters of approval have also been obtained from the following
individuals in the Department of Health, all of which have offered
their cooperation and expressed their interest in the findings of
the project:
Dr. N. Simelela,
Chief Director: HIV/AIDS and STDs
Prof K.C.
Househam, Head of Department of Health, Free State Province
Mrs R. Sibeko,
District Health Manager DC19 (QwaQwa)
Me N.J.
Jolingana, District Health Manager DC18 (Welkom)
The CHSR&D
established a formal relationship with various stakeholders in the
two study sites to facilitate the recruitment of affected
households, including the Department of Health and various NGOs and
CBOs active in HIV/AIDS work. The research team met with a variety
of stakeholders in each of the two areas during the initial phases
of the project. These meetings had three purposes: to inform the
stakeholders of the research projects and its aims and objectives,
to involve the stakeholders in the recruitment of fieldwork managers
and fieldworkers, and to involve the stakeholders in the recruitment
of participating households. In the research team's opinion, the
fact that the fieldwork was managed through and conducted by parties
involved in HIV/AIDS-related work in these communities adds much
value to the project. The questionnaire was also circulated to these
stakeholders for comment, which is important in terms of availing
them the chance to ensure that the data generated by the project is
of use to them in planning and managing their activities. Through
this network as many households as possible that are affected by
HIV/AIDS were identified, although in practice the number did not
exceeded the 100 target by far. Such approach to sampling avoids the
sensitive issue of testing the members of participating households
for HIV and also ensures that the selected households are indeed
affected by HIV/AIDS. The manager of the fieldwork teams in each of
the two study sites was responsible for coordinating this process
and obtained verbal consent from each of the infected individuals
belonging to the households included in the sample. The manager was
also responsible for ensuring that the identified households come
from a range of neighborhoods/villages in the area, thus providing
the researchers with a sample that reflect differences in
demographics and standards of living in the two study sites.
The manner in
which the participating households were sampled to a large extent
ensures that affected households are indeed affected by HIV/AIDS.
However, many infected individuals have not disclosed their status
to their families, which means that the study could not be
introduced to respondents as an HIV/AIDS study and therefore
inadvertently reveal the identity of the infected person to other
household members. Households interviewed as controls may also be
discouraged to participate in the study if directly introduced as an
HIV/AIDS impact study, with particular significant problems being
experienced if the household become affected in later phases of the
project. Hence, the study was introduced to respondents as 'a study
of the impact of morbidity and mortality on households in the Free
State province'. The research team found the issue of disclosure to
be an important obstacle in the recruitment process and other
researchers involved in similar projects are encouraged to find
innovative solutions to this problem. Possible ways to perhaps deal
with this problem are using the infected individual rather than the
household as unit of analysis OR allowing more time for recruitment
to actually facilitate a process of disclosure and involve the
entire household in the data collection process.
In order to
control for the effect on households of socioeconomic changes not
related to HIV/AIDS, a control group of 100 households that are not
affected by HIV/AIDS was recruited to voluntarily partake in the
study. These households were recruited in the following manner. For
each affected household that the fieldworker visited for interview
purposes, the fieldworker also interviewed a household living in
close proximity to the affected household, e.g. a neighboring
household. In order to ensure that this household is not affected by
HIV/AIDS the fieldworker first asked the respondent a few key
questions, i.e. whether someone in the household is being treated
for TB or whether someone has been hospitalized with pneumonia in
the past six months. Initially, a direct question about whether
someone in the household has HIV/AIDS was included in the set of key
questions. However, this question was dropped once it became clear
during the practice interviews that this question caused respondents
to refuse to participate, possibly because of the stigmatization
that still surrounds the epidemic. If the respondent answered any of
these questions in the affirmative (with a 'YES'), the fieldworker
moved to the next household until they found a household for which
none of the key questions were answered in the affirmative. Hence,
it meant that the fieldworker often had to visit a number of
households before they successfully identified a control for each
affected household. Fieldworkers were trained to take appropriate
care in allowing time for this activity when conducting their
interviews. Fieldworkers were also trained to take particular care
in recording the address and details of this household. This is
crucial for the purposes of revisiting this household six months
later during the second wave of the data collection phase of the
project.
In order to keep
track with interviewed households, all respondents were supplied
with a paid, self-addressed postcard on which any change in address
can be recorded and mailed to the research team.
Households in
the control group that are affected by HIV/AIDS over the three year
study period will become part of the sample of affected households.
In case the increasing spread of HIV/AIDS and rising AIDS deaths
threaten the sustainability of the control group in later phases of
the longitudinal study, new respondents will be sampled from the
selected communities to act as controls. Since the research will
require the continued participation of those households that
originally agree to become part of the study, the payment of a
minimal participation fee (R100 per household per survey visit) to
those households is expected to ensure sustainability of the sample
over the three years. In the interest of sustaining the livelihood
of severely affected households, it is envisaged that this payment
may be made in kind, e.g. in the form of basic foodstuffs of an
equal value.
(iii) Data
collection and analysis
The impact of
HIV/AIDS on households was assessed by means of a longitudinal
(cohort) study of households affected by the disease. The household
impact of HIV/AIDS was determined by comparing over time the
observed trends in socioeconomic variables in HIV/AIDS households
and a control group using statistical methods. For this purpose, a
six-monthly survey on the quality of life and the economics of
affected and non-affected households was conducted. Interviews were
conducted with one respondent only, namely the "person responsible
for the daily organization of the household, including household
finances". The results reported in this first interim report are
based on a cross-section analysis of the data collected during the
first phase of the project. Subsequent analysis will focus on a
time-series analysis of the data collected during the six-monthly
interviews conducted with the sampled households.
The instrument
used for this purpose explores the issue mainly in quantitative
terms. The instrument explores the economic impact of the disease
on, amongst other things, household income and expenditure patterns.
It also explores the experiences of households affected by HIV/AIDS
with regard to their response to it with regard to caring for
affected household members, utilizing certain services, and coping
with the impact on their socioeconomic circumstances. The design of
the instrument was informed by a literature review of the
methodology of household impact studies, focus group sessions with
key informants, and the piloting and revision of the draft
instrument. For the purposes of comparative analysis, the instrument
used for data collection in affected households is the same as that
employed in collecting data from unaffected households, although
certain sections of the questionnaire (notably that on morbidity and
mortality) did not always apply to these households.
A first draft of
the questionnaire was completed in early April 2001. Before
finalizing the questionnaire and having it translated, a first draft
was circulated for comment amongst stakeholders from government
departments, NGOs, and CBOs, as well as other academics, which was
integrated into the final instrument with issues raised in the
pre-testing of the questionnaire. The socioeconomic
questions/sections in the questionnaire was standardized in
accordance with the recommendations put forward following a meeting
between the researchers from different AIDS research projects in
Johannesburg toward the end of April 2001. The questionnaire was
translated into Sesotho and Afrikaans, which together with English
presents the major languages spoken by the population residing in
the two study sites, after which final changes were made following
problems arising from the pre-testing of the questionnaire in
Bloemfontein. A training manual was compiled for the fieldworkers,
editors and fieldwork managers following the finalization of the
questionnaire.
A common
characteristic of household impact studies is to also collect data
from other stakeholders, using techniques other than household
interviews. To this end the research team also embarked on the
following data collection efforts. In terms of qualitative methods,
six focus group discussions with women were conducted in Welkom and
QwaQwa (three in each site) to obtain additional information on
coping and support from the general population in the two study
sites. The focus groups were conducted by two female, junior
researchers attached to the CHSR&D, namely Tanja Arntz and Dibolelo
Molehe. Tanja Arntz will employ this information in combination with
data from the household survey in her dissertation for her Masters
in Development Studies, which focuses on coping and support
mechanisms adopted by affected families. Jacob Molelekoa, a black
master student in the Department of Economics, conducted an
investigation into the cost of home-based care in Welkom and QwaQwa,
which to some extent will inform policy proposals about the
extension of home-based care to affected families. He is conducting
this research as part of his research for his master's dissertation.
These research efforts contributed to building capacity amongst
black and female researchers at the University. The main findings
from these related research activities will be incorporated into the
final report due for release in March/April 2002.
Following an
interview process, a fieldwork team consisting of a manager, editor
and five fieldworkers was recruited in each of the two study sites,
mainly from amongst persons working as volunteers in HIV/AIDS
programs. On completion of the training, each member of the research
teams signed a contract that stipulates the conditions of services
and other project regulations. The research teams recruited for each
of the two areas consist of the following individuals (for purposes
of capacity building and the involvement of previously disadvantaged
persons in the project, please note that all the recruited persons
are of PDI status):
Welkom
Fieldwork
manager Mr J. Molefi
Editor
Ms K.D.
Rankhakile
Fieldworkers Ms
E. Van Rooi
Mr D.T. Tlali
Ms D.
Chabeli
Ms. G. Moeti
Mr J.
Moholobela
QwaQwa
Fieldwork
manager Mr N. Khoapa
Editor
Ms K.R. Mofutsanyana
Fieldworkers Ms
M. Maduna
Mr T. Motaung
Mr L. Mosia
Ms D. Masindwa
Ms M. Masisi
All members of
the two fieldwork teams had received the basic HIV/AIDS training
provided to AIDS counselors and volunteer workers by ATTIC by the
time the fieldwork commenced. A team of four researchers conducted
three-day training sessions in QwaQwa (28-30 May 2001) and Welkom
(5-7 June 2001) with the two fieldwork teams. The training consisted
of classroom training, scenarios and practice interviews. A
researcher spent two more days with the fieldwork team when the
fieldwork commenced to further guide the fieldwork team in the data
collection process and manage the logistics and administration. The
researcher paid regular visits to the two study sites to
continuously liaise with the fieldwork manager on the progress of
the data collection and to administer payments made to the fieldwork
team.
The following
has also become apparent during the first weeks of data collection.
One fieldworker in Welkom was relieved of his duties after his work
was found to be of poor quality, a provision allowed for in the
contract signed by the members of the fieldwork team during the
training. His interviews were shared between the other fieldworkers
and the fieldwork manager. Furthermore, the research team in their
efforts to also employ fieldworker training as a tool for capacity
building put much effort into guiding the fieldwork teams during the
data collection process. A researcher paid regular visits to the
area to perform quality control checks, to assist the editor with
the editing of questionnaires, and to ensure that the process is on
track. The data collection in the two study sites was completed by
the end of July 2001. The months of August and September 2001 was
taken up by the coding and computerization of the data, while data
analysis and report writing commenced in October 2001.
SOCIO-ECONOMIC
PROFILE OF SAMPLE POPULATION
In order to
determine to what population the results described in this report
about the socioeconomic impact of HIV/AIDS on households can be
generalized, it is important to explore the main demographic and
socioeconomic circumstances of the households included in the
sample. These details are reported in Tables A to F in the Appendix.
In essence, the group of households included in this household
impact study can be described as follows:
· The
households are mainly African and Colored (88.4 and 11.3 %
respectively of the total sample), while only one White household
was interviewed. Nationally the African and Colored populations
respectively represent 76.7 and 8.9 % of the country's population.
· A
slightly larger proportion of households is headed by females (53.7%
compared to 46.3% headed by males).
· The
persons heading these households are aged 40-49 years (25.4%), 30-39
years (24%), 50-59 years (19.3%) and 60-69 years (13.3%), which
represents a relatively normal distribution.
· A
fairly large proportion of persons heading households are
widows/widowers (30.8%, while 40.4% are married (civil or
traditional), 14.5% are divorced/separated, and 10.8% have never
been married.
· A
larger share of household members is female (57.5% compared to 42.5%
of household members that are male). According to the 1996
population census, 48.1 and 51.9 % of the population were
respectively male and female.
·
Households on average have just more than 30 years of schooling
amongst them, with the largest proportion of households having 20-39
years of education. Given the average household size of nearly five,
this means that one is looking at relatively poorly educated
households.
· Few
households have access to medical aid and only 15% of households
include a member with access to medical aid. Fewer affected
households had access to medical aid compared to non-affected
households (9.9 versus 20.1 %), which as explained below are mainly
due to the sampling design.
· Most
households indicated that they feel very safe (50.7%) or rather safe
(27.8%) living in the areas where they reside, while only a very
small proportion of households indicated that they feel very unsafe
(4.4%) or not safe at all (3%).
· The
majority of households live in one dwelling (76.6%), while 19.4% of
households indicated that they live in more than one separate
dwelling. Only a small percentage of households (3.9%) shared a
dwelling with another household, more so in the urban setting (Welkom)
than in the rural setting (QwaQwa).
· Nearly
80% of households lives in a main dwelling on a separate stand or
yard, while 13% live in some kind of informal dwelling (informal
dwelling in backyard or informal settlement). A small proportion of
households (4.9%) live in traditional dwellings, representing
households in the rural sample (QwaQwa).
· The
main dwellings in which households live on average consist of four
rooms of which two are used for sleeping.
· Just
more than 90% of households own the dwelling in which they reside.
Households living in dwellings not owned by the household mainly
live in dwellings owned by a private owner renting out their
property.
· The
majority of respondents (89.2%) indicated that they have not lived
at their current place of residence since birth. Of respondents who
had before resided in a different place than where they were born,
64.6% previously resided in urban areas, 23.1% in rural areas and
11.1% on commercial farms. The main reasons these respondents sited
for having changed their place of residence were moving to a new
house (42.1%), work-related reasons (32%) and marriage-related
reasons (20.9%). In terms of their place of birth, 45.7% of
respondents were born in urban areas, 28.7% in rural areas and 24.8%
on commercial farms. The reason respondents moved from their place
of birth was mainly having moved to a new house alone or with their
family (59.1%) or because of reasons related to work (18.5%) or
marriage (13.5%).
· Only in
a relatively small proportion of households do someone own a
cellular phone (29.6%) or does the household have a telephone in
their dwelling (27.3%). Only 12% of households have access to either
a cellular phone or a telephone at home.
· Almost
all households have access to sanitation, with 39.9% of households
having access to a flush toilet in their dwelling, 31.4% having
access to a pit latrine on site and 26 % having access to a flush
toilet on site.
· Just
more than 75 % of households have access to piped water, be it in
the dwelling (47.2%), on site (23.2%) or at neighbors (4.7%).
However, nearly 25% of households were dependent on a public tap for
their supply of water.
· In
terms of refuse removal, 70.2% of households had their refuse
removed by their local authority are least once a week, while 18% of
households had an own refuse dump and 8.6% of households had no
refuse removal.
· The
source of energy for lighting was mainly electricity (77.6%), while
19% of households used candles (mainly in rural areas) and 3.4% used
paraffin. Electricity was again the main source of energy for
heating (47.1%), while 23.1% of households, again mainly rural
households, used coal and 17.1% used paraffin for heating as fuel
source for heating. The source of energy for cooking reflects a
similar picture, with 62.3, 24.1 and 10.6 % of households
respectively using electricity, paraffin and coal as energy source.
Those households that used coal as energy source for cooking all
live in rural areas (QwaQwa).
Evident from the
above is that although the sample in certain instances closely
reflects the socioeconomic profile of the national population (e.g.
male/female distribution of the population), it in most cases
differs distinctly from the general South African population. The
profile of the sample of households included in this impact study
can largely be attributed to the sampling design. Given that
affected households were sampled from networks and/or organizations
involved in counseling, home-based care and public health care and
mainly in poorer communities, the sample does not include affected
households that mainly utilize private health care services.
Moreover, the study was conducted in one specific province (Free
State) and in two selected sites only (Welkom and QwaQwa). However,
the fact that South Africa's poor, predominantly Black population
face relatively high HIV prevalence rates and are particularly
vulnerable to the epidemic and therefore dependent on support from
the public service sphere, means that the findings and policy
recommendations put forward in this report are especially relevant
to informing government's responses to HIV/AIDS.
KEY CONCEPTS
FOR COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS
The results
presented in the subsequent pages of this documents draws
comparisons between households in terms of the socioeconomic impact
of HIV/AIDS based on four stratifications of the data. These
concepts and terminology can be defined as follows.
·
HOUSEHOLD:
Households were defined in terms of the standard definition employed
by Statistics South Africa in the October Household Survey, i.e. "a
person or a group of persons who live together at least four nights
a week at the same address, eat together and share resources".
·
URBAN
versus
RURAL comparisons: This refers to the distinction between
households living in Welkom and households living in QwaQwa. Welkom
is a relatively large urban settlement in the Goldfields in the
Eastern Free State. QwaQwa is a former homeland, which is still
governed mainly by traditional leadership in an area where
communities reside in 42 smaller villages. The distinction therefore
between urban/rural is based on the nature of governance structures
in the two areas rather than the physical housing infrastructure
characteristic of these areas. In QwaQwa for example the majority of
the population reside in formal dwellings (refer page elsewhere),
yet the community remains a predominantly rural one.
·
AFFECTED
versus NON-AFFECTED comparisons: This refers to the
distinction between interviewed households in which at least one
person is known to be HIV-positive as opposed to interviewed
households residing in close proximity in the affected households
which was sampled as controls (see discussion elsewhere). The former
households were recruited purposively from established networks
and/or organizations in the two areas involved in HIV/AIDS. In the
case of the latter households no one in these households is known to
be HIV-positive insofar testing could not be conducted, nor was any
member of these households presently treated for tuberculosis or
hospitalized for pneumonia in the month before the interview.
·
ILLNESS
versus NO ILLNESS comparisons: This refers to the distinction
between households in which one or more members had been
continuously ill in the month preceding the interview as opposed to
households where no member had been continuously ill in the month
preceding the interview.
·
DEATH
versus NO DEATH comparisons: This refers to the distinction
between households in which one or more members had died in the six
month preceding the interview as opposed to households where no
member had died in the six month preceding the interview.
In the
subsequent pages, the results and main findings of the project are
elaborated on. Section A focuses on health outcomes, which is
important in establishing whether affected and non-affected
households actually represent a foundation for determining the
impact of HIV/AIDS and for informing certain aspects of health
policies related to coping with the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Section B
focuses on various aspects of the socioeconomic impact of HIV/AIDS
on households, e.g. the supply of labor at the household level,
expenditure patterns, financial coping strategies, and issues
related to the impact on children. The conclusions are discussed in
the final part of the report.
METHODS
Proportions of
households (or household members) were compared between affected and
unaffected households, and between Welkom and QwaQwa, using Pearson
c2 or exact tests. Outcomes were where possible compared
at both individual and household levels.
Multiple
logistic regression analysis was used to determine the independent
influences of certain explanatory variables on selected outcomes
related to morbidity, mortality and the socioeconomic impact of
HIV/AIDS, adjusting for influential personal, household and area
characteristics. Variables were retained in each model if they
significantly improved the respective model.
Logistic
regression models with individual level outcomes were adjusted for
clustering of outcomes at household level, using Stata statistical
software. Intra-household correlation of each outcome was expressed
as an intra-cluster correlation coefficient (ICC). The ICC is the
proportion of the outcome’s total variance accounted for by
inter-household (as opposed to inter-individual) differences.
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