|
THE IMPACT OF HIV/AIDS
ON THE DIFFERENT FARMING SECTORS
IN NAMIBIA
UNIVERSITY
CENTRAL CONSULTANCY BUREAU FAO REGIONAL OFFICE FOR AFRICA
UNIVERSITY
OF NAMIBIA Extension, Education and Communication
Service (SDRE)
Part 4Section:
1
2
3
4
DECEMBER 2001
In commercial farming areas, the number of days for mourning
averages 2.86. However, there were wide variations between regions,
viz. Erongo (3.44d, n = 8), Karas (2.90d, n = 15), Khomas (2.03d, n
= 18), Omaheke (5.03d, n =17) and Oshikoto (0.15d, n =10). These
results need to be interpreted cautiously because of the small
sample sizes. The impact of mourning on farming activities varies
between regions due to differences in culture, ability to hire extra
casual labourers and type and size of agricultural enterprise.
Households were asked what they perceived as the "single largest
impact of HIV/AIDS on agricultural production in their communities".
Table 5.6.3 shows that in communal farming areas, loss of productive
labour force was cited as the most serious consequence (61.3
percent, n = 287), followed by loss of time (18.1 percent),
financial drain to cover medical expenses (15.3 percent) and others
(5.3 percent). This result corresponds with that from the commercial
farming areas where responses to loss of the productive labour
force, loss of time for farming, financial drain to cover medical
expenses and others were 66.3 percent, 11.6 percent, 10.5 percent
and 10.5 percent (n = 86), respectively. The most affected age group
with HIV/AIDS is 18 - 45,
and this is the most productive of the labour force, hence the
perceived negative effect on the agricultural sector.
Table 5.6.3: Impact of HIV/AIDS on Agricultural Production on
Communal Farms.
|
Region |
Loss of the
labour force |
Financial drain
|
Time loss |
Others* |
|
Caprivi |
22 |
7 |
22 |
4 |
|
Erongo |
14 |
11 |
4 |
4 |
|
Karas |
32 |
2 |
2 |
1 |
|
Khomas |
25 |
3 |
1 |
1 |
|
Omaheke |
17 |
8 |
6 |
4 |
|
Omusati |
50 |
1 |
4 |
1 |
|
Oshikoto |
16 |
12 |
13 |
0 |
|
Total |
176 |
44 |
52 |
15 |
* Includes resources diverted to
support orphans.
The HIV/AIDS pandemic also dissipates resources that could be
used to invest in agricultural production. Table 5.6.4 gives the
relative importance of different sources of financing to cover
medical and/or funeral expenses for households with a member
afflicted with HIV/AIDS. Sources of financing were ranked from
"least important" to "most important" in contributing towards
meeting expenses. The most important sources of financing were
savings and sale of livestock. HIV/AIDS may also render households
more impoverished by forcing them to sell farm assets and to borrow
to pay expenses for a sick member. Although labour is the most
important input in the agriculture in communal farming areas,
increased productivity requires use of other inputs such as improved
seed, fertiliser and pesticides. Thus HIV/AIDS robs households of
resources they could use to improve agricultural production.
Table 5.6.5 presents coping strategies to address labour
shortages due to HIV/AIDS and their relative importance in communal
farming areas. In Caprivi, Omusati, and Oshikoto where crop
cultivation is the predominant farming activity, reduction in the
area cultivated and increased use of child labour were the most
commonly adopted strategies. This implies a decline in household
food supply and poor school attendance, as parents or guardians
resort to use of child labour. In Erongo, Karas, Omaheke and Khomas
regions where livestock production predominates, there were no
labour shortages experienced. Compared to crop cultivation,
livestock production requires less labour and is not particularly
sensitive to decline in the available work force.
Table 5.6.5: Coping Strategies to mitigate HIV/AIDS Labour
Shortages
|
Strategy |
Importance* |
|
Reduction in area cultivated |
4.59 |
|
Increased use of child labour |
3.80 |
|
Change in crops cultivated |
3.47 |
|
Increased reliance on community labour |
2.35 |
|
Others |
1.50 |
*Values above are the means of 34
responses based on the following scale:
‘Ranking of effects of labour
shortages due to HIV/AIDS’: 1 = least important, 5 = most important.
V. Implications of HIV/AIDS on the Farming Communities
1. Social Consequences
In Omaheke and other places where communal farmers participate,
mutual assistance organizations are very important in promoting
agricultural production and marketing produce. Death and sickness
rob households of people who have gained important education from
these organizations on how to practice farming techniques.
Conversely, death and sickness rob organizations of individuals that
initiate and teach others methods of agricultural production. The
situation is similar for commercial farmers. Most commercial farmers
are members of farmers’ associations or farmers’ unions. These
organizations expose farmers to new production techniques. Although
HIV/AIDS deaths appear not to have touched these organizations on a
large scale, indications during the group and individual interviews,
from Karas and Omaheke regions, are that things could change. Thus
it is foreseen that HIV/AIDS will increasingly affect important
institutions that teach farming education. It is also conceivable
that HIV/AIDS could lead to poor attendance of meetings that upgrade
agriculture skills among members of mutual assistance organizations.
In the medium term this might hinder the acquisition of new farm
knowledge and improved production techniques. On the negative side,
none of the organizations discussed the focus on HIV/AIDS education.
Group interviews also revealed that none of the commercial farmers
had a clear policy or strategy for dealing with HIV/AIDS on their
farms. These organizations might be encouraged to provide HIV/AIDS
education and prevention efforts, and where possible, support and
counselling to the afflicted. There is a definite need to strengthen
HIV/AIDS education among commercial farmers, farm workers and some
groups of communal farmers especially in the livestock growing
regions of the south.
These data indicate several important things: HIV/AIDS deaths are
affecting a wide spectrum of communal farmers, and to a lesser
extent, commercial farmers. This is especially so in the northern
parts of the country. Orphans are a growing problem. They are widely
distributed across the extended family with the result that some are
constantly moving between families. Group discussions revealed that
orphans lead a difficult life. Some support for orphans comes from
the extended family, and in some regions maternal relatives are more
important in providing such support.
Where children are older (18 years or so) they may take charge of
families. Several implications ensue from this situation. Older
children that take charge cannot sustain agricultural production at
the same level as their parents because they have less knowledge and
experience of farming, while they are still not strong enough to do
the requisite back-breaking work with little support. These families
may also be relying on child labour in their farming activities. The
use of child labour compromises the quantity and quality of
production. Hunger might be a frequent feature of homes under older
children. Inadequate food intake may result in reduced efficiency in
farming. Parental death interrupts the socialisation of younger
children. Thus, they cannot learn the
necessary farming techniques as apprentices, helpers and
observers of their parents. Their formal education is also
interrupted. Research elsewhere indicates that educated people are
potentially more productive farmers, as they are more open to
innovation and changes. Interrupted education is creating less able
farmers for the future.
Girl children without family support sometimes try to survive by
getting more boyfriends and by engaging in activities that would
normally be discouraged by natural parents. They are therefore more
exposed to the HIV virus. This might be a factor in fuelling the
disease. Support for wife inheritance among some groups of communal
farmers may also be fuelling the disease. Again, strengthening
HIV/AIDS education among the widowed and orphans should be
considered a priority.
2. Health
The study revealed that each household knows of someone who is
sick or has been suffering with the HIV/AIDS or another long-term
illness in their communities. This is an indication that almost all
communities are affected by the disease personally or socially, and
support the findings of Topouzis (1994) in Uganda.
The study also revealed that the youth are the most affected
group (age 15-35 years) in various communities. This raises serious
concern because this age group comprises the active labour force and
has the skills for farming which when lost can have direct effects
on production. If the labour force is infected with the disease,
agricultural production will be low, leading to food insecurity -
mostly at household level. Migration of some age groups into towns
makes it a double impact. The same group comes home from urban areas
to die and they consume the limited agricultural produce and income
available at home. This finding confirms these of Jackson et al,
(1999) and the views of Iipinge and Kinabo (2000).
The death of young people has also an impact on the
reproductively of the population and in the long run affects
agricultural productivity.
As Stegling (2000) found in Botswana, on both commercial and
communal farms, the responsibility for caring for the sick in the
family lies primarily with women, who are the backbone of
agricultural production especially in communal farms. More time is
taken attending to the sick person both at home and at the hospital
with the result that less time is spent on farming activities such
as land preparation, planting, weeding and harvesting. Sometimes a
year might go by without any farming activities being undertaken,
which makes the people more food insecure.
Community support systems are not well established among farming
communities. People rely more on the extended families and the
church, especially the Roman Catholic Church, as is the case in
KwaZulu Natal according to Vitilio (1993) and Olenja (1999) in
Kenya. This needs strengthening in Namibia.
In most cases, persons sick with HIV/AIDS need special food,
while there is less food coming in to the household due to illness,
because the sick person and the care provider are unable to
contribute to agriculture production. This leads to a state where
the little money in the house is spent on the provision of special
food required by the sick person. This aggravates poverty at
household level, as Stegling (2000) pointed out. This whole process
leads to food insecurity and inadequate eating patterns of
households, which makes the family members susceptible to various
infections. Weak and sick persons cannot effectively perform
agricultural activities, and this leads to families/ households
failing to meet their nutritional needs. NGOs and Government need to
step in and help these families and the care providers (Iipinge &
Kinabo, 2000).
Some communities expressed lack of knowledge and skills with
regard to the provision of home care, which confirms findings of the
study conducted by Iipinge (2001) on home care provision in rural
Namibia. The findings suggest that training in home care provision
should be done at village level to ensure that skills are available
at community level when needed.
The study also shows that the level of stigma is high in some
communities, and this may hinder the health-seeking behaviours of
affected and infected persons. Unless communities open up and break
the silence, the necessary support in terms of food, counselling and
moral support will not become accessible to those who need them
promptly. Stigma is more of an issue in some regions, particularly
in Caprivi, Omaheke and Karas. In these regions people suffering
from HIV/AIDS or who have lost relatives due to AIDS experience
isolation, as the rest of the community does not want to be
associated with them, supporting the findings of Topouzis (1994) in
Uganda. This requires the intensifying of the HIV/AIDS educational
and awareness activities among the farming communities.
The level of knowledge on prevention and ways of contracting
HIV/AIDS infection among farm workers in commercial farms is
relatively low compared to those in communal areas. This could
indicate that this sector has not been fully reached during the
campaigns, or possibly that farmers are not making the effort to
educate their work force. This is more likely, since none of the
commercial farmers had an HIV/AIDS policy on their farms.
3. Income and Labour
The results presented in the section on labour input and income
generation reveal that on communal as well as some commercial farms
there has been reduction in labour input on various farm enterprises
and operations. Further examinations of the data indicate that the
reduction has been caused by a number of factors, namely inadequacy
of household labour, HIV/AIDS infection, care of victims, and
funeral attendance. A small group has attributed reduction to
migration of young people to towns. The consequences of the
reduction of labour input are reduced area cultivated, increased use
of child labour, change in the crops grown and less intensive
husbandry practices.
On commercial farms only 10 percent of farmers have reported
reduced labour input. This is apparently because of high
unemployment in the commercial areas, where any absentee is easily
replaced. The net impact of the reduced labour input into farm
operations is reduction in farm output. At household level, this
means less food intake and increased food insecurity. On commercial
farms, the long-term impact of reduced labour input would be
reflected in some reduction of output, be it crops or livestock.
This situation is complicated by the observed decline in the
frequency of the visit to both commercial and communal farms by the
Extension services, attributed to poor establishment of the service,
HIV/AIDS infections and death of some of the personnel, as well as
poor remuneration and lack of transport.
On income generation, the data available indicate that
smallholder farmers and commercial farmers generate income from the
sale of livestock. In the commercial areas, livestock is sold to
raise money for school fees and, in recent years, to provide money
for the treatment of HIV/AIDS infected members of households and the
conducting of funerals when a victim dies. These findings have both
short term and long term implications on household livestock herds,
regional herds and ultimately the national herd. This is because
with HIV/AIDS, the sale of livestock is based not on those that are
ready for the market, but simply what the household owns. This means
that some of the animals sold may be breeders and this would result
in a decline in the herd. Over time, and when extended to regional
and national level, it may mean a decline in the amount of off-take,
especially from the northern and north eastern parts of the country.
At the international level, this will be reflected in the amount of
beef that Namibia can sell to its established markets in South
Africa and in the European Community under the Lome Conventions and
other trade arrangements. As indicated, this scenario would be
aggravated further if the spread of HIV/AIDS is not checked in the
commercial livestock farming areas, wherein an acute shortage of
labour input would result in a decline in livestock output and
therefore off-take for international markets. While hard data cannot
feature in this scenario, the research findings provide sufficient
pointers to the need for commercial farmers to change their
attitudes towards HIV/AIDS in order to check its spread and minimise
its impact on livestock output. Most commercial farmers at the
moment have no policies or strategies for combating HIV/AIDS. The
impression given is that HIV/AIDS is a disease of workers who "sleep
around" with more than one partner. Many farmers are reluctant to
assist workers who fall sick. The easiest way out is to dismiss the
worker and recruit another one in his or her place without bothering
about the long-term consequences of the pandemic on the overall
performance of the livestock sub sector and its effects on the
national economy as a whole.
4. Land and Property Inheritance
Land ownership, in the case of both communal and commercial land,
will remain with the wife and children after the death of a husband
due to HIV/AIDS. This is because there has now been a change in
traditional laws amongst most tribal authorities in Namibia, to
recognise rights of children and wives in line with the constitution
of the country. Secondly, the introduction of the Married Persons
Equality Act of 1995 extends ownership of property and inheritance
to both wives and children (Fuller, 2000). In contrast, findings in
other countries (FAO 1993, Ayieko 1997) stated that wives and
children lost access to land, inheritance and ownership when the
husband died. In communal land that has been fenced, such as in the
Caprivi, access of affected households to farming land could be
reduced because of the practice and willingness of farmers to sell
land in order to cover medical bills. In such cases, the food
security and financial independence of the household could be
compromised.
Wives and children could lose access land because of the practice
of land grabbing. The commonly-held view is that property acquired
through marriage belongs to either the paternal or maternal
relatives. In the case of death due to HIV/AIDS, the situation could
be worse, due to stigmatisation of the wife and children. Such a
family would become more vulnerable due to food insecurity and
reduced income from agriculture. In some cases, people who have
inherited land by grabbing, might not even utilise it properly
because of the existence of their own land, resulting eventually in
reduced productivity in both farms.
In commercial farms, the security of land and property in terms
of inheritance will have a relatively low impact on agricultural
production after the death of a husband due to HIV/AIDS. In case
where the remaining wife cannot continue to sustain agricultural
production, land will be sold, or a knowledgeable manager recruited
to supervise agricultural production. However, because of the impact
of the labour skills lost, there would be an effect on production,
even though land ownership is secure. Joint ownership of property
will ensure continuity of agricultural production with very little
disturbance. Interference in agricultural production could be
experienced in Omusati and Oshikoto regions, however, where farmers
do not always recognise changes in cultural norms and government
legislation. The impact of HIV/AIDS will be minimal where there is
little or no interference, while the opposite is true when there is
a high degree of interference.
5. Agricultural Production
The livelihood of most people in communal areas depends on
agriculture. Namibia is struggling to achieve food self-reliance in
spite of the frequent droughts experienced. However, gains in
increased agricultural production are threatened by the HIV/AIDS
pandemic, as the elderly and weaker members of the extended family
have to feed not only themselves, but also - increasingly - orphans.
The elderly have established farming practices, and may not be
amenable to the adoption of new techniques with which they are
unfamiliar. Nonetheless, there is a need to strengthen the extension
service in the communal farming areas so that at least food
production can be sustained, even though extension personnel are
victims of the same scourge.
To address labour shortages, strategies suggested include
increased use of draught power, a shift from labour intensive crops
to those requiring less labour (Muchunguzi, 1999) and pooling of
labour in the community. Other techniques that could be deployed
include minimum tillage to reduce labour requirements while reducing
soil erosion, and intercropping. To reduce food insecurity, improved
methods of local food processing and preservation to reduce wastage
must be developed and disseminated. Additionally, food supplies
could be established at the community level, with each family
contributing to a common pool.
Attendance to family members and friends with prolonged sickness
and ultimately, death leads to loss of time that could have been
used in farming. Mourning in many communities lasts from 3 to 5
days, during which activities on the farm may be suspended. It is
recommended that communities reduce the number of days they spend on
mourning to 1- 2 days, as is
the case in some parts in Uganda. Additionally, bereaved families
should be advised to reduce expenditure on burials and funerals, so
as to spare the resources for the benefit of orphans.
VI. Conclusions and Recommendations
·
Death and sickness rob households of people who have gained
important education from mutual assistance organizations on how to
practice farming techniques. They also rob organizations of
individuals that initiate and teach others methods of agricultural
production.
·
HIV/AIDS might, through death and sickness, lead to poor
attendance of meetings that upgrade agricultural skills among
members of mutual assistance organizations.
·
HIV/AIDS deaths are affecting a wide spectrum of communal
farmers and to a lesser extent commercial farmers, especially in the
northern parts of the country.
·
Older children that take charge of other children cannot
sustain agricultural production at the same level as their parents
because they have less knowledge and experience of farming. Thus,
the use of child labour compromises the quantity and quality of
production.
·
Parents’ deaths interrupt the socialisation of younger
children and their formal and non-formal education. Interrupted
education will create less able farmers for the future.
·
HIV/AIDS affects the able bodied age groups that comprise the
active labour force, and have the right skills for farming
·
The deaths of young people have an impact on agricultural
productivity and the reproduction of the population in the long
term.
·
The responsibility of caring for the sick in the family lies
primarily with women who are the backbone of agricultural
production, especially in the communal areas.
·
Community support systems for persons affected by HIV/AIDS
are not well established in the farming communities.
·
Some communities expressed lack of knowledge and skills with
regard to the provision of home-based care for HIV/AIDS patients.
·
The level of stigma is still high in some communities, and
this may hinder the health-seeking behaviours of the affected and
infected persons.
·
The level of knowledge on the prevention and the ways of
contracting HIV/AIDS infection among farm workers in commercial
farms is lower than in communal farms, because of differential
access to information, education programmes and policies implemented
by commercial farmers.
·
HIV/AIDS infection has contributed to reduction of labour
inputs on various farm enterprises and operations in communal and
some commercial farms. The fact that there is a large pool of
unemployed people that commercial farmers can draw on mitigates the
impact of HIV/AIDS on reduced labour inputs on commercial farms.
·
The consequences of the reduction of labour input are: (a)
reduced area cultivated, (b) increased use of child labour, (c)
change in the crops grown, and (d) less intensive husbandry
practices.
·
The sale of livestock to cover medical bills will, in the
long term, result in a decline in the amount of off-take, especially
in the northern and north eastern parts of the country. At
international level, this will mean reduced sales of beef by Namibia
to South Africa and the European Union.
·
In communal areas, access of households affected with
HIV/AIDS to farming could be reduced because of the practice and
willingness of those that are able to fence and paddock more and
more land.
·
In commercial farms, the security of land and property in
terms of inheritance assures continuity of agricultural production
after the death of a husband due to HIV/AIDS.
·
Gains in increased agricultural production are threatened by
the HIV/AIDS pandemic, as the elderly and weakened members of the
extended family have not only to feed themselves but also,
increasingly, orphans.
·
Mourning in many communities lasts on average from 3 to 5
days, during which time activities on the farm may have to be
suspended.
·
Both the questionnaire results and group interviews revealed
that none of the commercial farmers had a clear policy or strategy
for dealing with HIV/AIDS on their farms. It is therefore
recommended that the farmers through their organizations be
encouraged to provide HIV/AIDS education and prevention efforts and
where possible provide support and counselling to the afflicted.
·
Research elsewhere indicates that educated people are
potentially more productive farmers as they are more open to
innovation and change. It is therefore recommended that the Ministry
of Basic Education and Culture and communities should encourage
orphans not to interrupt their formal education.
·
That communities should adopt strategies that minimise the
reduction of labour input so as to ensure sustained production and
food security.
·
Establishment of community support systems by putting in
place mechanisms for assisting families to take care of members with
HIV/AIDS and, when the person dies, contributing to the funeral
expenses.
·
Communities should be assisted in setting up feeding centres
for children as well as adults providing nutritious food for the
sick.
·
Prepare brochures in various languages on HIV/AIDS awareness,
including home-based care of the sick.
·
In the regions where the stigma surrounding HIV/AIDS is still
a problem, community members should be encouraged to open up to
provide more awareness on HIV/AIDS, particularly in the commercial
farming areas.
·
To ensure sufficient production of the staple foodstuffs in
face of declining labour input due to HIV/AIDS infection and death
of some members of households, it is recommended the MAWRD through
its extension services introduce new production systems. These
should include the use of co-operative labour intensive enterprises
and practices.
·
The sale of livestock has been shown to be an important
source of income for the treatment and care of HIV/AIDS victims and
the meeting of burial and funeral expenses. This has however been
observed to have a negative effect on the household herds. To
minimise the effects it is recommended that MAWRD and traditional
authorities institute an exchange system that encourages households
to take their breeding animals to a neighbour or community member in
exchange for a steer or bull instead of slaughtering the breeders.
This would preserve the breeders within the locality and region, and
over time, reduce the decline in production and therefore off-take.
·
In the commercial farming areas it is recommended the
Ministry of Health and Social Welfare together with the farmers
should mount an HIV/AIDS awareness campaign on farms. Each
commercial farmer should be encouraged to devise educational and
other strategies that inform workers of the dangers of HIV/AIDS, to
minimise spread of the disease and the long term effect on
production.
·
Traditional practices in some of the regions dictate that
once the head of the household dies from HIV/AIDS, property is
claimed by the relatives at the expense of the wife and children. It
is recommended that government together with the traditional
authorities intervene to put an end to this practice.
·
In commercial farms when the farmer dies, the land is either
sold or the spouse inherits it. This may result in reduced
production. To avoid this, it is recommended that the farmers should
fully involve their spouses in the day to day management of the
farms to ensure the sharing of skills and continuity of activities.
·
To address the labour shortages caused by HIV/AIDS
infections, it is recommended that increased use be made of animal
draught power. In addition use of minimum tillage is recommended.
·
Traditional systems of mourning take many days and entail
considerable expenditure, yet this affects labour inputs and
production. To reduce this it is recommended that the mourning
periods should be reduced to a minimum with the cooperation of the
traditional authorities. Mourning costs can be reduced through use
of cheaper coffins.
VII. References
Adams, F. and Woldgang, W. (1990). The
land issues in Namibia : An Inquiry. Namibia Institute for Social
and Economic Research (NISER). University of Namibia, Windhoek.
Adams, F. and Woldgang, W. (1990). The
land issues in Namibia : An Inquiry. Namibia Institute for Social
and Economic Research (NISER), University of Namibia, Windhoek.
Africa Development Forum. (2000).
Namibia HIV/AIDS Epidemiological Summary.
Amanor Wilks, D. (1997). Social
Conditions in rural areas and commercial farms: Abridged Report,
Lead International WWW: Lead.
org/lead/training/international/
Anonymous (1999). The impact of
HIV/AIDS on farming communities in Namibia. FAO, Rome, Italy.
Blanckenburg, P. (1994). Large
commercial farmers and land reform in Africa: The Case of Zimbabwe.
Avebury, London.
Caller, D. (2000). Agriculture down 25
percent since 1988. Dispatch Online, Saturday, June 3, 2000 .
Cohen, D. (2000). Socio-economic causes
and consequences of the HIV epidemic in southern Africa: A case
study of Namibia. UNDP: HIV and Development Programme. Issue Paper
No. 31.
Central Statistics Office,(1996).
Living Conditions in Namibia: Basic description with highlights.
National Planning Commission, Windhoek.
Devereaux, S., Katjiuanjo, V. and Van
Rooy, G. (1996). The living and working conditions of farm workers
in Namibia. LACSSD, UNAM.
Du Gueney, J. 1998: Rural children
living in farm systems affected by HIV/AIDS
www.undp.org/hiv/publications/study/english/sp6ech3.htm.
FAO, (2001). FAO Director – General
warns: "AIDS is spreading to rural areas and is increasing the
number of hungry people".
FAO, (2001). People: HIV/AIDS in
Namibia. The impact on the livestock sector. Sustainable Dimensions.
Rugalema, G. with Silke Weigang, and
Mbwika, J. (1999). HIV/AIDS and the commercial agricultural sector
in Kenya: Impact, vulnerability, susceptibility and coping
strategies. FAO and UNDP.
Phororo, H. (2000). Why the private
sector should be concerned about HIV/AIDS. Namibia Economic Policy
Research Unit (NEPRU).
Iipinge, S.N. and Kinabo J. (2000).
Nutrition in Africa. Sida and Uppsala University. Sweden.
Iipinge, SN. 2001. Capacity building in
home care in rural Namibia. PhD Thesis, Rand Afrikaans University.
Jackson, H. Mufangandura, G and
Mukunazita, D, 1999. AIDS and African small holder agriculture in
Zimbabwe. FAO/UNDP.
Jones and Maasdorp 1995 "Farm workers
in Hochfeldt Namibia" Mimeo NISER
Kate, W. (1998). Downloaded from the
Internet.
Kelly, M.J. (2000). The encounter
between HIV/AIDS and Education. UNESCO, Harare, Zimbabwe.
Van den Borne., Laver, S. B. Kok G. and
G Woelk, (1997): A Pre-intervention Survey to Determine
understanding of HIV and AIDS in farm worker communities in Zimbabwe
AIDS Education and Prevention Vol. 9 No. 1 Pp. 94-110.
LeBeau, D. (1993). Phase 1 of
educationally marginalised children’s project: Baseline desk study.
NISER, Windhoek.
Loweinstein, R. (1992). Modern
plantation agriculture. ZED Books London.
Haslwimmer, M. (1996). AIDS and
agriculture in Sub Saharan Africa. FAO SD dimensions.
Marks, N. and Mclanahan, S., 1993.
Gender, family structure and social support among parents. Journal
of Marriage and the Family, 55: 481-495.
MBESC and MHETEC (2001). Strategic and
Operational Planning for the Management and Mitigation of HIV/AIDS
in the Namibian Education Sector - - Summary of Workshop
Proceedings. Swakopmund Hotel, 12 – 16 March 2001.
Muchopa, C. and G. Mutangadura. 1999.
Women, agriculture and HIV/AIDS: Implications for agricultural
policy and mitigation strategies. In: Mutangadura, G., Jackson., H
and Mukurazira., D. (Ed). AIDS and African smallholder agriculture.
Southern Africa AIDS Information Dissemination Service, Harare,
Zimbabwe.
Muchunguzi, J. K. 1999. The impact of
HIV/AIDS on smallholder agriculture: The experience of Muleba
district, Tanzania. In: Mutangadura, G., Jackson., H and
Mukurazira., D.(Ed). AIDS and African smallholder agriculture.
Southern Africa AIDS Information Dissemination Service, Harare,
Zimbabwe.
Muchunguzi, J.K. (1999). The impact of
HIV/AIDS on smallholder Agriculture: The experience of Muleba
District, Tanzania. FAO/UNDP.
Munyombwe, T. Pfukenyi, D. M. and
Ushewokunze-Obatolu, U. (1999). HIV/AIDS in livestock production in
the smallholder sector of Zimbabwe. In: Mutangadura, G., Jackson., H
and Mukurazira., D. (Ed). AIDS and African smallholder agriculture.
Southern Africa AIDS Information Dissemination Service, Harare,
Zimbabwe.
National AIDS Control Programme, 1997.
Epidemiological report for the Ministry of Health and Social
Services, Windhoek. Namibia.
Ncube, N. M. (1999). The impact of
HIV/AIDS on smallholder agricultural production in Gweru, Zimbabwe,
and coping strategies. In: Mutangadura, G., Jackson., H and
Mukurazira., D. (Ed). AIDS and African smallholder agriculture.
Southern Africa AIDS Information Dissemination Service, Harare,
Zimbabwe.
Okai, M. (1996). The measurement of
smallholder labour input on various enterprises. FAO, Maseru.
Olenja, J.M. 1999. Assessing community
attitudes towards home-based care for people with AIDS in Kenya.
Journal of Community Health, 24 187-199.
Page, S. L. J and Davies, M. (1999).
Farmer field schools as support groups for AIDS widows and other
marginalized smallholder farmers in Zimbabwe. In: Mutangadura, G.,
Jackson., H and Mukurazira., D. (Ed). AIDS and African smallholder
agriculture. Southern Africa AIDS Information Dissemination Service,
Harare, Zimbabwe.
Position paper for the conference "
AIDS, Livelihood and Social Change in Africa’. Theme: Legal rights:
property and inheritance rights for women. .
Roth, N.L. and Fuller, L.K. (Eds,
1998). Women and AIDS: Negotiating safer practices, care, and
representation. New York, The Howarth Press, Inc.
Rugalema, G. (1998). Consequences of
HIV/AIDS on agricultural production in a Buhaya village of Bukoba
District, Tanzania. Research Seminar Paper, ISS, the Hague
Rugalema, G. (1999). It is not only the
loss of labour: HIV/AIDS, Loss of household assets and household
livelihood in Bukoba district, Tanzania. In: Mutangadura, G.,
Jackson., H and Mukurazira., D. ed. AIDS and African smallholder
agriculture. Southern Africa AIDS Information Dissemination Service,
Harare, Zimbabwe.
Rugalema, G. Weigang, S. and Mbwika J.
(1999). HIV/AIDS and the commercial agricultural sector of Kenya.
FAO/UNDP, Rome, Italy.
Rugalema, G. Weigang, S and Mbwika J.
(1999). HIV/AIDS and the commercial agriculture sector of Kenya.
FAO/UNDP, Rome, Italy.
Stegling, C. (2000). Current challenges
of HIV/AIDS in Botswana. Department of Sociology, University of
Botswana.
Topouzis, D (1999). The Implications of HIV/AIDS for Rural
Development Policy and Programming UNDP
www.undp.org/hiv/publications/study/english/sp6ech3.htm
UNESCO (1995). UNESCO Regional Seminar
on HIV/AIDS and Education within the School System for
English-speaking Countries in Eastern and Southern Africa. UNESCO
Education Sector, February 20 – 24, 1995, Harare, Zimbabwe.
UNICEF, (1995). Situational analysis of
women and children in Namibia UNICEF Windhoek. Vitilio, R.J. 1993.
Catholic Church’s response to the pandemic of HIV/AIDS. CHILDREN
WORLDWIDE, 20 : 18 –19.
World Bank (2000). Exploring the
implications of the HIV/AIDS epidemic for educational planning in
selected African countries: The demographic question. World Bank,
Washington.
World Bank (2000). Intensifying action
against HIV/AIDS in Africa - Responding to a development crisis.
World Bank, (2000). "AIDS and Poverty:
Who Needs Help" www.worldbank.org/aids-econ/arv/conf-aids-4/ch4-1p3.htm.
Section:
1
2
3
4
|