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ROLE OF THE COMMUNITY (CBOs, NGOS/YMCA)
http://www.ymca.int/programs/New_Hiv/aids.htm
STDs, including HIV/ AIDS, spread fastest where there is
poverty, powerlessness and social instability. The disintegration of
community and family life in refugee situations leads to the break-up of
stable relationships and the disruption of social norms governing sexual
behaviour. Women and children are frequently coerced into having sex to
obtain basic needs, such as shelter, security, food and money. In a
refugee situation, populations that have different rates of HIV/ AIDS
prior to becoming refugees may be mixed. Also many refugee situations
are like large urban settings and may create conditions that increase
the risk of HIV transmission.
STDs, which are a major public health problem, are largely neglected
until the appearance of HIV/ AIDS. Now, more attention is focused on
conventional STDs (such as gonorrhoea, syphilis, chlamydia, etc.). They
are among the most common, although undiagnosed, causes of illness in
the world; and they have far-reaching health, social and economic
consequences. STDs substantially increase the risk of HIV infection.
Preventing and controlling STDs are key strategies in controlling the
spread of HIV/AIDS.
In refugee situations, it is essential to ensure that all blood for
transfusion is tested and that universal precautions are enforced. Where
interaction between refugee and local populations occurs, it is vital to
liaise with host countries to ensure that comparable services are
provided to local populations. Failure to do so would not only be
counterproductive in the effort to prevent the spread of STDs and HIV;
it could also result in conflict between the two populations.
Mandatory HIV testing of refugees is sometimes requested in the
mistaken belief that this will help prevent HIV transmission. Under no
circumstances should mandatory testing be pursued. Mandatory testing for
HIV represents a violation of human rights and has no public health
justification.
Better Life Options (BLO)- South African
YMCA.
This program is by far the most extensive National YMCA program that has
ever been run in the South African YMCA. The program evolved out of a
supplementary education initiative that was started in Amanzimtoti in
1989 to assist young black matrics to achieve a pass that would enable
them to attend a tertiary institution.
The program is based on the simple concept that peers are able to
educate their own peers in a far more effective way than adults can.
Peer Educators form the backbone of this program. They are the ones who
form small groups in their schools, churches, youth clubs,
neighbourhoods etc. These groups meet regularly and cover topics
relating to HIV/AIDS and STD's and life skills. Peer Educators are
trained by BLO Co-ordinators who in turn are given support through
Regional BLO Co-ordinators. UNFPA provide support for a National BLO Co-ordinator
whose role is provide overall guidance and support to the program and to
network among ARH service providers in SA and the rest of the world.
Learning by doing -Kenya YMCA To create awareness and spread information on HIV/AIDS, many
campaigns have been developed, including posters, advertising and radio
programmes.
At the YMCA theatre including puppetry has been used as an
educational and awareness tool. Through theatre, the community has
become aware that HIV/AIDS has not only a health dimension but also an
economic one linked to poverty. YMCAs like the Busia YMCA and Shaurimoyo
YMCA use the down-up approach in communicating the HIV/AIDs situation
and also learning from the community as they identify their immediate
needs to help YMCA design relevant community friendly initiatives. The
acting is done by young YMCA volunteers who create a common purpose by
trying to turn information gathered from the community into dramatic
scenes where people see their dilemmas and conflicts as a result of a
major problem. For example prostitution due to socio-economic
insecurity. This approach has enabled the Busia YMCA to address the food
insecurity situation that yields responses that lead to the feminisation
of the epidemic.
Busia YMCA with its strong network of youth and women groups ,works
in collaboration with OXFAM on organic farming as a poverty alleviation
strategic - poverty which is a major factor to the progression of the
HIV epidemic.
4. CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS FROM
THE THREE REGION. However much we would attribute the failure of health systems
to policies from the International Financial Institutions (IFIs), its
also very important to analyse the state of art in management of public
resources of third world countries and the underlying internal politics.
The predominant pattern of unequal distribution of public resources
for health in developing countries is no mere accident. On the contrary,
it is predictable, given the related distributions of economic resources
and political power in these countries. The explanation for this
inequity can be understood in the context of public choice theory, which
provides a positive model of what the government will do, under the
assumption that the chief agents act to maximise individual utility
rather than social welfare.
According to the theory, politicians and bureaucrats do not seek to
optimise economic efficiency but rather to maximise their own chances of
getting re-elected and staying employed; similarly, individuals use
governments to maximise their own income by creating and protecting
market positions and capturing publicly-financed services and transfers.
Politicians and political parties have some discretionary power
because of barriers to entry and because they are in a position to shape
as well as respond to people's tastes and preferences. At the same time,
they must act in a way that deters threats from potential competitors,
and this limits the scope of their monopoly power. Where democracy does
not exist in developing countries, a similar process can occur with even
fewer political checks on the use of government resources to benefit the
already powerful.
· The extremes of poverty and socio-economic immobility may raise
fears of crime or revolution, which will ultimately hurt the rich;
historically, the provision of basic education, employment or medical
insurance have been ways of combating these problems.
· Also, since there are more poor people than rich, the desire to
constrain the popularity of opposition political groups in a democracy
leads to some redistribution to lower-income groups on grounds of
expediency.
The social services sectors, including health and education, are
arenas in which many of these forces play themselves out, as they
involve a variety of public goods with different mixes of public and
private benefits. The fact that health and education services generate
social as well as private benefits, and their frequent designation as
"merit" goods provides justification for government intervention along
welfare theory lines. Yet once this intervention begins, apparently to
correct for market failures and to benefit poor consumers, it is often
seized by producer groups and the allocation of resources diverted to a
more private service mix that predominantly benefits the rich.
Three politically influential groups often work actively to protect
the flow of government funds toward health services that benefit them
directly, and resisting efforts to reallocate public resources for
health to the poor.
· First, government officials and politicians stand to gain from
construction projects for large hospitals.
These major civil works are highly visible and popular, often seen by
the general public as evidence of government commitment to medical care.
At the local level, they are seen as evidence of the commitment of local
politicians to local needs, and often of the ability of these
politicians to command central resources for local programs. Those
seeking re-election will point to new hospitals as among their major
accomplishments. High-ranking civil servants also benefit
disproportionately from access to free medical services in these major
hospital facilities. At the extreme, many developing countries allow
senior officials and their families to obtain sophisticated medical care
abroad, in Europe or North America, at government expense. Such medical
"evacuations" may even have a line in the ministry of health budget.
· Second, various middle-income consumer groups object strongly to
any erosion of their public subsidies for health services. These groups
include professionals from the private sector and labour organisations.
British colonial policies in Ghana and Zambia, for example, dictated
that public hospitals in Accra and Lusaka, respectively, should provide
free or heavily subsidised medical care to the colonial elite. Once
established, it has been extremely difficult for policy-makers in those
countries to shift this demand for medical care to private hospitals or
to charge full costs to the wealthy for care in the government teaching
hospitals. Labour unions seek to protect public subsidies in the
middle-income countries of Latin America, where governments extend
financial support to social security-based health care through some
combination of tax relief, public contributions to insurance premiums,
and direct budgetary transfers to social security agencies
· Third, the health workers and their respective labour organisations
themselves are a major source of resistance to change. A shift in public
funding to basic care would require that doctors and nurses be
re-deployed from large urban-based hospitals to smaller outer facilities
in poor urban neighbourhoods and rural areas. Living and working
conditions in these may well be more difficult than in the central
hospitals; it is thus not surprising that health workers oppose these
changes. Similarly, a reallocation of government spending for health
would reduce the demand for publicly financed services from medical
specialists. The specialists, through their professional associations,
can be vocal and influential lobbyists for continued spending on
sophisticated equipment (such as diagnostic imaging machines) and
hospital facilities.
For the above pattern of public subsidies to dominate, it is not
necessary that all politicians and officials pursue only their own
individual interests, nor that service providers and middle-class
consumers have complete control of public revenue and expenditure
patterns. It is only necessary that these tendencies occur widely enough
and often enough to minimise countervailing efforts to reach the poor.
The more equal the overall distribution of income and the stronger
the political voice of the poor, the easier it should be to design and
implement pro-poor programs.
Malaysia and Costa Rica, as well as Sri Lanka, Korea, and the Indian
State of Kerala, are examples of economies with relatively low income
inequality and histories of broad-based social programs to reach the
poor. Communist countries, including China and Cuba, are examples of
economies in which the political legitimacy of the ruling party has
relied heavily on support of the working and peasant classes.
Taiwan, Korea, Hong Kong, Singapore, Thailand, and Malaysia are also
examples of countries in which political leaders, in the face of
external and internal communist threats in the post-war period, employed
a variety of mechanisms to ensure that urban workers and the rural poor
shared in economic growth. These mechanisms included public housing
programs (Hong Kong and Singapore), extensive investment in rural
infrastructure (Indonesia and Thailand), land reform (Korea and Taiwan),
and heavy emphasis on universal access to basic health services and
primary education In all these countries of East Asia, the political
situation required some swimming against the tide. These demonstrate
that the public choice view of the world need not and does not always
dominate.
The IMF Corruption is a universal phenomenon unconfined to any one
time or particular part of the world. Although all around us, it has a
particular cost in undermining the case for poor country debt relief.
The question is how to tackle corruption? Today, the wrong approach is
being taken. Ironically, policies promoted by institutions like the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) could be making things worse. Terms
and conditions set by the IMF, which poor countries must agree to before
they get new aid or debt relief, are exacerbating corruption.
Debt cancellation still provides an opportunity for real progress in
development and the eradication of poverty - if it is organised
specifically to benefit poor people. But debt cancellation can also
enhance local control and involvement by ordinary people in how these
resources are used. In this way, it can help build the open, accountable
and participatory democracies for which people in poor countries are
calling.
Current terms and conditions demanded by institutions such as the IMF
in return for aid and debt relief are making corruption worse; the money
released through the HIPC debt relief initiative should be used in the
interests of the poor. These resources should be earmarked for poverty
eradication, social development, and for building participatory
democracy; new mechanisms suggested by local organisations to ensure
that the money is used properly can be put in place. In several
countries this is already being done in striking examples of debt relief
which can work. Money from debt cancellation can also help build greater
accountability and transparency by governments.
Coping with IMF policies Conditions imposed by creditors should be strongly rejected
by community based organisations like the YMCA. IMF's conditionality
imposed under their Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF) has
undermined democracy by making governments more accountable to creditors
than to its people. In many cases, it has forced governments to impose
draconian measures directly against the wishes and the interests of
their people.
While creditors, the World Bank and IMF talk loudly about the problem
of corruption, their policies, particularly in the ESAF programmes, have
exacerbated rather than helped stop corruption.
The push for privatisation has been a major source of corruption and
wasted resources in many developing and transitional economies.
Forcing cut backs in public spending, meanwhile, has led to poor pay
of civil servants, doctors and nurses, greatly increasing the risk of
petty corruption. Teachers who are underpaid or not paid at all have
every temptation to take parental contributions in exchange for good
exam marks. But paying all teachers a living wage, on time, would break
many of the African treasuries that, on the World Bank's advice, are
desperately trying to cut their budgets.
In many cases corruption begins closer to home than many creditors
would like to admit. As puts it: Corruption is the explicit product of
multinational corporations, headquartered in leading industrialised
countries, using massive bribery and kick-backs to buy contracts in the
developing countries and countries in transition.
Externally imposed conditions have not worked - not least because
they were imposed from outside. Many NGOs including the YMCA believe
that it would be inappropriate for the creditor community to impose more
conditions on debt relief. They believe rather that conditions on
governments should be set by local people, and civil society. In Latin
America, they refer to this as 'positive' or 'reverse' conditionality.
Conditions imposed by the donor countries, monitored by them, and not
owned by the government and people themselves will never work. The
answer is not ever more conditions but to empower local people to set
and enforce the conditions. Necessary arrangements have to be made not
to impose conditions by the creditors because those in most cases proved
inappropriate, irrelevant and in many cases antidevelopment
The civil society also worries that corruption is being used as an
excuse to slow down debt relief. We do not have to wait until all
safeguards have been set in place before debt relief should take place.
No human community is corruption free.
Waiting until societies are completely corruption-free is
unrealistic. But, most importantly, it ignores the principle that debt
cancellation, if done sensitively and with local control, can help
countries that have a problem with corruption become less corrupt. What
is needed is to put pressure especially on democratic governance, while
at the same time relief is worked on.
The international community still has a role. There is need for
international monitoring to help back up local monitoring. External
monitoring alone would not be necessary. But what is needed is 'joint
monitoring' which includes the external and internal monitors. This is
the arrangement that is currently being followed in Tanzania.
Many organisations prefer a collaborative approach, not one driven
primarily by creditors. They want to see a greater role for
international NGOs and, in some cases, the United Nations working
together with, and helping build the capacity of, civil society in the
country concerned.
External monitoring would work jointly with local partner monitors,
with the aim of building the capacities to eventually take over
full-time local monitoring. An educated public and a strong public lobby
are perhaps the most effective safeguards against misuse of debt relief
funds.
In order that maximum benefits are derived, both local and
international monitoring are necessary. At the local level, already
existing structures would have to be strengthened to improve their
monitoring roles. The depth of involvement of international public
service institutions and other international private concerns or
quasi-governments (like the World Bank) with national governments in the
past do not put them in the best position to monitor the processes.
It is only in extreme cases of misuse of funds or lack of political
will, that it is necessary for creditors to suspend debt relief or apply
sanctions. Here again, the preferred action should be in consultation
with local civil society. If a government fails or a new regime comes to
power and refuses to abide by the triple agreement, tough sanctions may
be the solution.
There is also a high possibility that debt relief would ultimately
hurt those who are already vulnerable. More genuine methods should be
sort to ensure that debt relief money reaches its target, rather than
waiting until sanctions are needed. Halting debt relief would cause
deprivation for communities. Phased allocation of debt relief,
conditioned on performance, may also provide another disincentive for
corruption or misappropriation. Clear indication of the objectives of
debt relief allocation will help to make it easier to identify misuse,
and thereby discourage it.
Conclusion There is no question that reforms in many countries would be
strengthened if there were more visible evidence that leading
international organisations and Western government were even-handed in
their anticorruption campaigns, attacking the bribe givers with just as
much force and fury as they now use to attack the bribe takers.
In 1996 German companies were paying more than $3 billion a year in
bribes to win contracts abroad. Independent audits of 54 World Bank
projects found 40 contracts worth some $40 million had been 'misprocured'.
In one country alone, Indonesia, it is estimated that 20-30 per cent of
World Bank loans were lost to corruption. All these examples suggest
that people based in rich countries and concerned about corruption
should focus their energy on cleaning their own houses before looking to
problems in poor countries.
Ensuring that Western companies are not involved in bribery, money
laundering or tax evasion through offshore accounts should be our first
target. Returning money stolen by corrupt dictators such as the millions
taken by former President Marcos of the Philippines and Mobutu of Zaire
is another important step.
Debt cancellation - based on real participation of the poor and in
consultation with local civil society is an opportunity to tackle
poverty and help democracy, accountability and transparency to flourish
in their countries. But creditors and international financial
institutions need to show their willingness to create a fairer global
economic system for poorer countries, and in doing so, demonstrate their
commitment to a less corrupt, more just world.
Debt cancellation along the lines would be a first step towards
showing this commitment and making debt relief work. Then, also, the
final excuses of the creditors for delaying debt cancellation would
evaporate.
One way in which the problem of corruption and political will could
be achieved is to ensure a fair global economic system which would
guarantee " fair and equal trade opportunities for all players in the
global economic game"
5. TRANSITION TO THE PRS AND GRASSROOTS
INITIATIVES Some 95% of HIV-infected people live in developing countries,
most of them in sub-Saharan Africa. The world's poorest countries
together owe around US$ 2 trillion in external debt.
These high levels of foreign indebtedness have worsened lack of funds
for an expanded response to AIDS. Across Africa, national governments
pay out four times more in debt service than they spend on health and
education.
In order to mount effective national AIDS prevention programmes,
third world countries will need to spend at least US$ 1.2 billion a
year, far more than is currently being invested.
Sources that might be tapped for these additional resources include
increased donations from the private sector and foundations, expansion
and redirection of development assistance, and reallocations within
countries own public budgets.
Relieving countries debt burden is one of the more promising new
approaches that could increase the funds flowing into programmes to roll
back the AIDS epidemic in the third world. By relieving debt in the
poorest countries which, often, are the ones with the highest HIV and
AIDS figures , money now exported to service debt could be reinvested
into AIDS prevention and care.
A major initiative to reduce debt over the next few years will take
place under the Highly Indebted Poor Country initiative (HIPC),
supported by all the major creditor governments from the OECD countries
and implemented by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund.
In a typical debt relief agreement, portions of a country's debt will
be cancelled in exchange for the debtor government's commitment to
mobilise domestic resources for specific purposes, such as a Poverty
Eradication Scheme (PRS) or an intensified national AIDS effort.
Such transactions have succeeded since the 1980s in the field of
environmental conservation, for instance, by protecting rainforests from
logging. At the heart of debt reduction deals under HIPC lies the
challenge of agreeing on significant goals in poverty reduction and on
measurable indicators of progress towards these goals. Lending countries
will have greater incentives to reduce debt if there are clear and
measurable ways of assessing the benefits. For example, a medium-term
AIDS-related target might be to provide low-cost treatments to a
specific percent-age of the population suffering from the most common
opportunistic infections. Measurable indicators for monitoring progress
would likely include the availability of specific generic medicines in
primary health care centres.
During the first months of 2000, several third world countries have
started to feature HIV/AIDS more prominently in their Poverty-Reduction
Strategies (PRS) and in related HIPC debt relief agreements. Note that,
this is encouraging, but a concerted effort by a coalition of interested
third world government officials, civil society representatives, NGOs,
creditor governments, United Nations and Multilateral agencies will be
required to ensure that debt relief is actually used to mobilise
substantially increased funding for AIDS.
6.0 CASE STUDY - UGANDA AND KENYA
6.1 KENYA'S POVERTY REDUCTION STRATEGY
PAPER (PRSP)
Kenya's socio-economic conditions have deteriorated since the early
1990s, mainly because of a failure to:
What influences this trend should be the challenge to be faced
head-on. As a result, economic growth has dwindled and unemployment has
risen, which combined with decline in access to essential services by
the poor has contributed to a significant increase in poverty.
A recent survey (1997) shows that half the population of Kenya lives
in poverty (52%) . There are two indicators for this deterioration in
living standards.
· Decline in the gross primary enrolment from 94% in 1993 to 83% in
1998.
· Erosion in the capacity to provide basic health care services.
The deterioration is also compounded by the heavy toll taken by the
HIV/AIDs epidemic, which in part is reflected in the estimated decline
of life expectancy from 60 years in 1993 to 57 years in 1998.
From 1998 the Kenyan government has been taking steps to address some
of the socio-economic ills confronting the country thus maintaining the
totalitarian macro-economic policies at the expense of:
· Weak revenue performance
· Large increase in debt amortisation.
Key structural reforms have been initiated in the areas of
privatisation and public services (including civil service retrenchment)
alongside governance problems.
To intensify the reforms mentioned, an interim poverty reduction
strategy paper PRSP has been prepared which outlines a policy framework,
which will be fully developed in context and finalised by May 2001. The
production of the paper has been through a consultative process, with
contributions from:
· Representatives of the poor
· Private sector
· Civil society
· Development partners
The implementation of these policies, as well as those to be
developed in the subsequent full PRSP, will help achieve the objectives
of the National Poverty Eradication Plan (NPEP) for the period 1999 -
2015. The plan, prepared in the context of a participatory poverty
assessment, aims at reducing the number of the poor by one-half by the
year 2015 and stresses the need to provide better coverage of basic
services, particularly:
· Education
· Health
· Water and sanitation
· Broad-based economic growth.
ECONOMIC PROGRAMME FOR 2000/2001
(A) Governance Aimed at:
· Enhancing accountability and transparency
· Strengthening oversight bodies
· Strengthening budget planning and execution
· Changing the incentive structures faced by potential participants in
corruption.
· Removing rent seeking opportunities.
(B) Macroeconomic Policies Aimed at:
· Accelerating economic growth from 1.5% in 2000 to 3% in 2001
· Maintaining inflation at 5%
· Increasing gross reserves by June 2001 to the equivalent of 2.9 months
of the following year's imports of goods and services.
Fiscal policies Aimed at:
· Reducing government's domestic debt which will help to sustainably
lower treasury bill rates, and
· Helping keep inflation at the external current account deficit under
control.
To this end, the fiscal inflation programme for 2000/01 envisages an
overall deficit of K.Sh 12,266 Billion, or 1.5 percent of GDP, compared
with 0.6 percent in 1999/2000. The programme also allows for a maximum
of K.Sh 4 Billion (0.5% of GDP) in additional outlays in the priority
areas of:
· health ,
· education,
· water and sanitation ,
· rural infrastructure. Monetary Policies Aimed at: achieving the inflation and net foreign assets
targets of the programme, while providing room for adequate increase in
credit to the private sector so as to help achieve the real GDP growth
objective.
External Sector Policies · Kenya will seek a rescheduling with the Paris club of its
eligible external arrears and some of the maturities failing due on
eligible debt.
· The government is committed to simplifying trade regime so as to make
it more transparent and predictable
· The government has reviewed its external debt records and has captured
all outstanding commitments. To prevent the re-emergence of
debt-management problems, the government ha simplified debt-management
procedures- all debt approval and monitoring now pass through the
debt-management division of the Ministry of Finance.
Pressing Issues Aimed to address: · Physical security issues reflecting the continued instability
in bordering countries and the worsening poverty situation
· Food relief allocations due to services and repeated deterioration in
weather conditions
Structural Reform Acceleration and broadening the scope of structural reforms
will enhance economic growth and hence reduce poverty. These will
include:
· Public service reforms
· Reprioritisation of government expenditure
· Privatisation of Key State-Owned utilities and transportation
enterprises
· Removal of other structural constraints, especially in agriculture.
Health Sector (HIV/AIDS) The government plans to improve the provision to the poor of
basic social
services such as preventive health care, primary and secondary school
education, water and sanitation. In line with the National Health
Strategic Plan, the programme envisages:
· Reallocation of resources spent in curative services to
primary health care in rural areas
· Shifting from centralised hospital care to decentralised
of preventive health care.
· Combating the HIV/AIDS epidemic as an essential element
government's strategy in the health sector.
· Provision of adequate resources to the National AIDS Co-ordination
Council to combat the HIV/AIDS epidemic and its victims especially
orphans.
Comments: Standard economic statistics such as GDP per capita are the
wrong way to measure the economic impact of AIDS in Africa (Kenya). The
impact of the epidemic needs to be seen in the larger context of human
welfare.
Countries have lost 10 to 20 years of life expectancy due to a single
disease - an enormous setback in individual welfare, reversing years of
investments in human capital, GDP per capita or GDP growth do not
capture this dimension of welfare loss, especially the lost welfare to
those who die.
Moreover, as the epidemic has worsened, so have estimations of its
effect on African economies, even without taking into account the
broader human welfare issues. The scope of the epidemic is now so large
now that numbers are no longer necessary to make the argument for the
epidemic's economic consequences.
For those who live and work in Africa, the impact on individual,
family, and community economies is obvious. Sickness, death, and the
loss of productive capacity in communities where as many as one-third of
the women in their reproductive years are HIV infected hardly needs to
be supported by data.
Already the epidemic's burden on the health care system is increasingly
obvious, although efforts to quantify the impact have lagged. People
with AIDS occupy 50 percent of the beds in Kenya's large provincial
hospitals.
Because it is difficult to measure the macroeconomic impact of an
epidemic directly, economists have generally depended on economic
models, which are built on a set of assumptions. Naturally, different
assumptions yield different numbers.
In "Confronting AIDS," the World Bank factored in labour supply
issues and the amount to which health care would be financed out of
savings to come up with a "rough estimate" of a 0.5 percent reduction in
per capita GDP growth.
One-half of 1 percent may not seem like much. Indeed, for countries
with high growth rates such as Kenya but this has a cumulative effect.
If Kenya for example had a growth rate of 2 percent a year in the
absence of AIDS, its GNP [gross national product] per capita will
increase by 81 percent in one generation, which is about 30 years. Now
suppose that AIDS reduces growth to just 1.5 percent per year. Kenya
will increase its GNP per capita by only 56 percent in the same period.
Figures such as these are mere signposts on a larger landscape of
human suffering and tragedy. They fail to measure the grief of the
survivors and totally disregard the loss of the dead and dying.
6.2 A MODEL APPROACH -UGANDA Uganda is one of the hardest hit of all countries in the AIDS
epidemic; it is also now one of the most successful and focused in
confronting and managing the crisis. Uganda's program, which is strong
on preventative education, has lowered the rate of HIV-AIDS infection to
below 10 percent. Uganda's anti-AIDS campaign features open and explicit
discussions of sex, roadside billboards that promote safe sex and
foreign- financed NGOs that are helping to educate people about the
disease
(a) Snap View of the HIV/AIDS situation
In Uganda The burden of the socio-economic impact of HIV and AIDS is
disproportionately affecting rural women. More households are found to
be headed by AIDS widows than by AIDS widowers in hard hit districts.
Widows with dependent children tend to become entrenched in poverty as
they typically lose access to land, labour, inputs, credit and support
services. HIV and AIDS stigmatisation compounds their situation further,
eventually severing assistance from the extended family and the
community, which is often their only safety net.
Women's limited economic opportunities, their lack of rights to land and
property, as well as traditional norms and customs, can have serious,
and often devastating, repercussions on the nuclear and extended
families in the context of the HIV and AIDS epidemic. These need to be
addressed when designing HIV and AIDS interventions in the context of
women's overall socio-economic status. For example:
· Alcohol brewing/distilling is a major economic activity for many
young rural women in Uganda. It is also a major economic activity, which
creates a high-risk environment for the spread of HIV, as women's homes
often become makeshift bars. While the link between heavy drinking and
the spread of HIV is apparent and needs to be addressed, what is even
more critical is the need to create alternative income-generating
opportunities for rural women.
· Bride wealth, which has become unaffordable for many young men
these days, and the breakdown of the institution of marriage are
contributing to a growing number of informal unions between men and
women, which deprive women of legal and socio-economic rights and status
that marriage bestows upon them.
Changes in legislation, legal literacy and social mobilisation to
promote women's legal rights also need to be part of effective HIV and
AIDS interventions.
· Ritual cleansing and wife inheritance can greatly facilitate the
spread of the HIV virus to the extended family. Even though these are
sensitive and difficult issues to address, they are often issues, which
may determine the economic and social status of an AIDS widow and her
family.
Young men and women are vulnerable to HIV infection because they
begin to be sexually active at an increasingly young age; they tend to
have multiple sexual partners and have restricted access to information
on safer sexual practices. In addition, the interplay of a wide range of
factors, such as war and instability, the loss of appeal in agriculture
as a gainful profession, economic hardship and the absence of
income-generating opportunities, the increase in drop-out school rates
and alcohol/drug abuse, have contributed to the creation of a high risk
environment for rural young men and women. The resulting increase in
poverty and illiteracy, the lack of employment opportunities, and the
erosion of social values and family life education act as catalysts to
high risk sexual behaviour.
The Uganda National Operational Plan for STD/HIV and AIDS Prevention,
Care and Support 1994-1998 has proposed that HIV and AIDS education
should aim at behaviour change with a priority on children and youth and
that "prevention activities should be integrated into mainstream health
programmes and other programmes dealing with community, women and youth
development.
When designing interventions, age groups may have to be targeted
separately, given the fact that their lifestyles, sexual behaviour and
learning abilities differ. Youth includes children (ages 10-14),
adolescents - some of whom are parents themselves, particularly young
women - (ages 15-18), and young adults most of whom are parents (19-25
years).
A critical point about youth is that childhood and adolescence, and
marriage and parenthood, are often very close together, particularly for
girls/young women.
Effective behaviour change strategies need to involve the youth
itself in the generation of appropriate messages and should address
youth-specific socio-economic and cultural realities that influence
sexual behaviour.
Creating a forum for discussion and for interactive learning, where
respect for HIV and AIDS as well as for young people's social and sexual
needs co-exist, can help create an enabling environment for the
generation of appropriate messages.
The socio-cultural norms to be addressed include:
- early uptake of sexual activity,
- STDs,
- alcohol and drug abuse,
- bar and disco culture,
- ritual cleansing and wife inheritance, etc.
If behaviour change is measured in part in terms of changing patterns
of alcohol/drug use, frequency of bar visits, etc., a more accurate
picture of behaviour change would emerge.
The fact that behaviour change is a continuous process and a change in
lifestyle rather than an occasional exercise in self-control needs to be
addressed in the design of interventions. Behaviour change is, in
addition to knowing the facts about HIV and AIDS, also conditional on
knowing how to communicate, negotiate and be assertive with a sexual
partner, on being motivated to continue practising safe sex and on
persevering. The adoption of a change in sexual behaviour, however, has
different implications for men and for women and for the way they
relate, and these need to be taken into account systematically.
Many young men and women, want to be tested for HIV (sometimes along
with their children), but they do not have access to information and
facilities. Pre-testing counselling and practical advice on how to
persuade a partner to take the HIV test are key components. A major
issue to be addressed, however, is transport cost, which is often
prohibitively high, especially for women.
(b) Planning HIV and AIDS Educational
Interventions for Youth Programmes
Youth programmes aiming at increasing opportunities for young men and
women in rural areas through income-generating activities, leadership
and management training, recreation, health education, and
communication/negotiation skills are in themselves a strategy against
HIV and AIDS and need to be targeted as such. Youth development
activities can help prevent the spread of HIV and AIDS by informing
young men and women about HIV and AIDS, empowering them to make choices
and change their social and sexual behaviour and their lifestyles in
general.
When planning HIV and AIDS education components (prevention and
impact alleviation) for youth programmes in rural areas, the following
issues need to be addressed:
· The integration of HIV and AIDS education within a Health Promotion
package which will include primary health care (safe water, water-borne
diseases, Oral Rehydration Salts, etc.), nutrition, first aid, family
planning, and sexually transmitted diseases. This primary health care
component, including HIV and AIDS, should be targeted to both women and
men.
· Sensitising youth to HIV, AIDS and STD issues does not mean
"teaching" and/or "preaching". A top-down approach may alienate youths
and/or generate inappropriate messages. Rural women show concern, for
instance, that health workers usually talk in general terms and do not
address concrete situations and problems, such as wife inheritance.
Participatory training addressing group dynamics, gender relations,
social norms, etc., may be more effective in generating appropriate
messages. The objective should be not simply to disseminate information
but to stimulate discussion and debate that will allow boys/young men
and girls/young women to internalise the information and messages
generated during the discussion. AIDS activities can and should be
creative, entertaining, educational and relevant to young men and
women's lives. Some of these activities could be initiated by the youths
themselves -- the more involved they are in the design and
implementation process, the more effective the message is likely to be.
· The need to communicate on a continuous basis the basic facts about
HIV and AIDS transmission and prevention. Many young people have
memorised the facts about HIV and AIDS but have not internalised this
knowledge and are not confident with what they know about the disease.
The goal should be to delay the onset of sexual activity among the under
10 year olds and promote low risk practices amongst those who are
already sexually active.
Questions frequently raised and which need to be addressed in
STD/HIV/AIDS education initiatives include:
- Where did AIDS come from?
- Is Africa responsible for the disease?
- What is a virus?
- What does the HIV virus look like?
- Why can an infected man/woman look healthy for a long time?
- Is it unhealthy to abstain from sex?
- Should a woman use the same cloth to clean herself and the man after
sex? ("enkumbi" practice).
- What can single men/women do when they are not married but want to
have sex?
- What are the alternatives to penetrative sex?
- How can one persuade a partner to use condoms?
- How can a wife deny her husband sex when he is drunk and she knows he
has other partners who may be infected with HIV?
- How can one persuade the husband's wife that a widow should not be
inherited?
- Where can an AIDS widow seek advice, support and assistance?
- What can one do to live longer with AIDS?
- How can one help people suffering from AIDS?
- Myths and misconceptions about HIV and AIDS need to be dispelled, as
well as stereotypes (that it is the women who are responsible for the
transmission of HIV and AIDS), superstitions (witchcraft), and
prejudices. These need to be eradicated by addressing them
systematically in HIV and AIDS prevention and mitigation programmes.
( c) Key areas to guide intended
initiatives
I. The importance of training male as
well as female trainers to deliver HIV and AIDS messages.
These can be youth leaders, RC youth officers, youth leader office
bearers, health workers, and/or youths afflicted or affected by HIV and
AIDS, or a combination of the above. Ways of ensuring that trainers, in
this case male and female youth leaders, will disseminate the imparted
information and messages to young men and women need to be built into
the training curricula. It has been observed that trainers often do not
disseminate the imparted information to the villagers, particularly to
women. Social interaction habits like alcohol and drug abuse that
facilitate casual sexual contacts also needs to be addressed.
To combine health messages with an anti-alcohol campaign is far from
simple and care should be taken not to pass judgement on alcohol
abusers.
A more effective approach would be to alert young men and women to the
dangers of alcohol abuse, stimulate discussion, and leave the decision
up to them. The promotion of condom use should be accompanied by
extensive sensitisation covering issues such as how to raise the subject
with a sexual partner, when to use condoms, how to use them properly,
how to dispose of them properly, and underscoring the importance of
consistent use.
II. Basic legal literacy for youths and
widows
Informing widows and young women of their rights before the law,
especially with regard to inheritance/property rights and sexual abuse,
should be part of every HIV and AIDS prevention component. For instance,
in 1990, the government of Uganda passed a bill rendering sexual abuse
of children below 18 years punishable by up to 10 years imprisonment.
Such progressive legislation should be disseminated as widely as
possible in rural areas. Women are usually not aware of their legal
rights, nor of ongoing revisions of statutes affecting them and their
children.
Sensitisation of women's rights should not only be undertaken for the
women but also for the men who need to be informed of women's rights
before the law. It is also important to refer women to places where they
can get legal assistance. Information on the benefits of opening bank
accounts (why, how and where) may also be of assistance, particularly to
women who have only girl children.
III. Support for people with AIDS or
people who are vulnerable to HIV and
AIDS.
Young widows/ widowers whose families have been affected by AIDS
could be involved in HIV and AIDS education and related activities and
possibly given some incentives. They can also be assisted with
information on how to live positively with AIDS within the community,
and instructed how to make wills.
IV. Training and working with young
PLWAs to reinforce HIV and AIDS
messages.
Local NGOs have sponsored training for PLWAs in order to make its
AIDS sensitisation more effective. Working with PLWAs is proving to be
more successful than costly and impractical video shows, most of which
are in English, and it provides income to AIDS afflicted families.
Uganda's youth programme could introduce the concept of organising
STD/HIV/AIDS education with assistance from youths who are afflicted or
affected by HIV and AIDS.
This will ensure that youths and their families affected by HIV and
AIDS will not be marginalised, that PLWAs will have a new purpose and
positive role in life while also supplementing their income. Finally, it
will also enhance interactive delivery of HIV and AIDS messages and make
behaviour change more effective.
V. AIDS Drama Competition for rural youth
groups.
Youths can be asked to write their own plays based on their own
experience. By inviting rural youth groups to write their own plays, the
youths will be essentially designing their own personal and
village-specific AIDS campaign. Stereotypes on HIV and AIDS, myths about
AIDS and the attitudes of youths on AIDS can be thus tackled, debated
and clarified. Topics such as alcohol, early sexual activity, wife
inheritance, STDs and living positively with AIDS can be explored in
such plays.
VI. Linkages between rural youth
programmes and related Ministries, international organisations and NGOs
involved in HIV and AIDS interventions.
Collaboration between the above-mentioned agencies may be uneven at
the district level, given the fact that resources are unequally
distributed between the districts. Rakai has more than 30 NGOs working
on AIDS while Tororo and Gulu have only a handful. In Kabarole, GTZ and
ACP have launched a comprehensive programme on HIV and AIDS (though
mostly focusing on urban and peri-urban areas) and there are several
other NGOs working there. GTZ-ACP have considerable resources and
linkages which could be established with the youth programme to tap
these resources. The issue of district co-ordination of AIDS activities
also needs to be addressed. District co-ordination of AIDS activities is
poor in Kabarole and Tororo Districts. District AIDS Committees should
be created.
VII. HIV/AIDS and Agricultural
Extension
HIV and AIDS are having an adverse effect on the already overburdened
and under-resourced agricultural extension service. Highly qualified
civil servants and technocrats are increasingly dying of AIDS and are
not being replaced. In some districts, it is becoming difficult to
implement agricultural programmes as a result of HIV and AIDS: extension
staff are frequently attending burials. Every time there is a burial,
the work week is reduced from six to three days (Tuesday, Wednesday and
Thursday) as civil servants have to take Saturday, Sunday and Monday off
(Friday is the official day of rest) to travel to villages and attend
burials. HIV and AIDS interventions targeting rural youths through the
agricultural extension service may be ineffective without appropriate
measures to strengthen extension services.
Training for agricultural extension workers could:
a) raise awareness of groups vulnerable to AIDS (youths, including
widows/widowers and orphans) and address the needs of each of these
groups;
b) sensitise agricultural extension workers to the impact of HIV and
AIDS on agriculture (vulnerable farming systems) and rural development;
and
c) Strengthen existing household and community coping mechanisms.
Conclusion
In 1992, when Uganda elected a new president, Yoweri Museveni, the rates
of infection there were the highest in the world, exceeding 25 percent
of the adult population, and were continuing to skyrocket with every
passing month.
The Museveni government took the HIV-AIDS problem seriously and
incorporated their AIDS prevention initiative into their overall
development program. Uganda has taken development very seriously. It is
the first African HIPC country to qualify for debt relief, which it
rolled into their HIV-AIDS program.
Uganda's success in coping with the AIDS crisis could be a model for
other sub-Saharan countries to use in developing HIV-AIDS programs of
their own. Uganda's success follows after debt relief and this should be
the next step for World Bank to take in combating the disease in Africa.
But many advocates of debt relief, as well as advocates for HIV-AIDS
control, caution that Western nations must be respectful of African
nations and listen to their ideas for what will work to combat AIDS. In
the past, Western nations have just rushed in like a firehouse crew and
attacked the AIDS emergency in Africa. While it is good to have the
awareness that there is a crisis in Africa in HIV-AIDS infection and
death, each country should have its own best solution for what will work
there.
Preventative education, new drug treatments, support for orphans and
caregivers-all these take money, money that debt relief could help
provide. Many Jubilee 2000 advocates have been frustrated with the slow
pace of funding debt relief, especially in light of such deep human
needs: Look at the year 2000 computer problem-billions were found
instantly to fix that problem. What about the people in the highly
indebted countries?
Actions in the immediate future by the sub-Saharan governments as
well as by creditor nations will have an enormous impact on the lives of
millions in Africa. In the West, people of faith can answer the call in
the Book of Leviticus for a Jubilee of debt cancellation with rollovers
to be directed toward controlling HIV-AIDS, health, and education in
sub-Saharan Africa.
7. STRATEGIES FOR THE YMCA
The YMCA is a world-wide Christian Ecumenical Voluntary movement for
women and men with special emphasis on the genuine involvement of young
people , which seeks to share the Christian ideal of building a human
community of justice with love, peace and reconciliation for the
fullness of life for all creation.
Member YMCAs are therefore, called to focus on certain challenges
which will be prioritised according to their own context. This means
that YMCAs should be involved in programmes that are relevant to their
environments and communities they exist in and work for.
However, we should remember the gospel words in John 17:21 " That all
may be one". Our unity in Christ should be bridged by partnering in as
many issues as possible. Our World today inevitably experiences
violence, conflicts, poverty, natural disasters and epidemics. These
need not only be addressed by individual YMCAs, but through a concerted
effort and as in one body with Christ.
HIV/AIDs a cold war annihilates myriad lives devoid of warning. It is
the biggest challenge in the world today. Whose responsibility is it to
develop intervention programmes? What is our argument about HIV/AIDs in
religious terms? Is AIDs a health, social, religious or economic issue?
From what angle do we address it? As part of the World - Wide ecumenical
movement, what's our opinion on the stereotypes projected by some
religious beliefs?
Many Christian institutions believe Aids is a curse and therefore a
punishment from God. Some protest on condom distribution.
One of the YMCA's challenge 21 principles clearly states that the
YMCA should be defend ant of God's creation against all that would
destroy it, preserving and protecting the earth's resources for coming
generations.
Looking at the direct impacts of HIV/AIDS on God's people, it should
be realised that the YMCA has a big load on its shoulders:
· In defending God's creation by protecting and preventing those at
risk of HIV/AIDs infection, giving spiritual comfort, and rehabilitation
to those already dying hence leading them into reconciliation with
Christ.
· There should be a strategized advocacy and lobbying to rid economic
policies or acts of social injustice that lead populations resorting to
translation of natural resources into hard cash to service debt. The
result being heightened poverty and responses that make people
vulnerable to infection. Other initiatives added on the foregoing,
should then enable the movement to preserve and protect the earth's
resources for coming generations.
The YMCA s position on HIV/AIDs should be clearly stated. We should
be at the forefront in providing the love of Christ to the sick and
oppressed. We should follow Christ's example.
Religious institutions have condemned PLWHA as sinners. Others have
preached against condom distribution and claimed that HIV/AIDs is an
unforgiving curse from God, for evil doers. What about the corrupt,
those involved in social injustices, conflict etc, does God
discriminate?
Jesus came for the suffering, the poor, sick and oppressed. He left
us as His disciples (those who share the good news of Jesus and striving
for spiritual, intellectual and physical well - being of individuals and
wholeness of communities) to tread His path follow His example and help
those in need. PLWHA are a suffering lot, they are the sick, the
oppressed and stigmatised people of the 21st century, those Jesus
charges us to care for. Then does God cause suffering? Then why do
people suffer?
All religious movements like the YMCA have to address this question.
The World is full of human suffering caused by hunger, disease, poverty
and multiple forms of oppression and injustice, if these things are
happening, does this mean it is all God's will and therefore God wills
us to suffer?
Evil is a very real force in the world, a force not of God's making
(Mark 1:32-24). And HIV/AIDs is certainly a devastating evil not of
God's will. It is not just a "snack" for gaymen, lesbians, haemophiliacs,
babies born with HIV/AIDs, intravenous drug users, or any other persons
living with HIV/AIDs.
Jesus never punished the sick, He instead healed them. HIV/AIDS is a
tragedy, but God suffers with all that are victimised by it or who lose
loved ones because of it. Bad things happen, we suffer many times
through no fault of our own, but because the world can be an unfair,
unjust place.
God does not create chaos or injustice. God brings order out of
chaos, and demands justice where there is injustice. God does not cause
tragedy, but God does respond to suffering with healing. God heals
sometimes through physical restoration, and other times with grace
sufficient to grow amidst suffering, even in the face of death (1
Corinthians 12; 9).
Is God punishing those with HIV/AIDs? Each time some mysterious
malady or disaster befalls an identified community, there has always
been a claim that God has caused the disasters as a judgement against
the affected people. If indeed HIV/AIDs is a plague sent by God to those
that are vulnerable to infection and at high risk (you and me), then
there is a flaw in the plan.
Clearly there is no justification that God has unfavourably judged
those at risk of infection, nor that God has created HIV/AIDs as a
punishment. Are all the women with breast cancer victims of God's wrath?
Are people in Sub-Saharan Africa punished with sickle cell anaemia? It
is known that HIV/Aids is disproportionately affecting communities of
colours in the United States. Does this mean that God has made judgement
against people of colours?.
The YMCAs Role
A faithful response to HIV/AIDs, then, must be a group response. Love
to those affected, teaching them the truth and dynamics of infection. It
is our earnest duty as the YMCA to educate people who we can reach.
Many people have fears about the risks of contracting HIV, that fear
can be overcome with facts. As a Christian movement, we should be able
to openly discuss about HIV/AIDs, amongst our membership and even our
homes and the churches we belong. And in following Christ's example, we
are called to eat with PLWHA, to share their homes with them (Mathew
25:6); to touch people with HIV/AIDs and give them intimacy (Mathew 8:
2-4); and to heal people with HIV/AIDs (Luke 17: 11 -19).
Combating HIV requires bold, steadfast leadership. To stop the
escalating slaughter of peoples by HIV, we must seek and receive
leadership in ecumenical movements like the YMCA.
The YMCA exists in 123 countries and with a population of over 30
million men, women and youth, this gives it the ability to mobilise
masses and disseminate appropriate information. We should not also
forget that within the membership of 30 million we have those affected,
infected and those at risk of infection.
The YMCA can be effective in doing so because it enjoys the respect
and the support of people. In the face of a disease that is 100%
preventable, our movement must begin to provide prevention education and
to support those persons who are affected and infected by HIV.
Only when the religious community will be willing to admit people
living with AIDs (diminish the stigma) , then can they make a
breakthrough.
Take for instance those who are displaced by military conflict or
even natural disaster; the homeless children; orphans, vulnerable teens
for lack of information who will not live to be 25; mothers suffering
from abuse and obligated to have unprotected sex with their husbands who
are known to be infected. Yet there is no care, no love, no vaccine, nor
a cure.
Our unity and oneness in Christ makes us one body. And in solidarity,
we fight a good course.
As mortality and morbidity due to HIV/AIDs increases, the unity and the
bond that ones
existed breaks! What we remain with is debris composed of single
unsupported individuals with responses that put them at much risk of
infection…
The YMCA needs to take appropriate steps to organise, mobilise
educate and reach out to those communities that are infected, affected
and those at risk. Most importantly, in the strategies, there should be
a guarantee for a breakthrough. We should be able to come up with doable
interventions/practises to help us pull down the wall
between facts/information and protection of the human race. The YMCA is
challenged with responsibilities to assume in the new millennium
according to its specific needs and possibilities.
When discussing issues at international, regional, national and at
the grassroots levels, it should be borne in mind that policies realised
and decisions made have had a colossal impact on family units. Many
documents have been produced, many conferences organised, databases
established and lots of resources pumped into research work. What is the
significance of all this in the active lives of PLWAs? How best can we
restrategise, make new moves and work not only within, but also with
communities in alleviation of the existing dysfunctional psychosocial
and economic strains? Where does the YMCA fit in the jigsaw puzzle? How
do we diminish the pyramidal / hierachial approaches in strategizing for
community development?
Through out the paper, we realise the impact of policies made by IFIs
and the strategies taken by NGOs in what we could call conformity to
globalisation. These have continued to influence household coping
responses against HIV/AIDS. For example Some of the coping responses and
impacts discussed in section 1.3- increased CSW in India, section 2.2
-household impacts in Jamaica and section 4.0 - poor governance and
corruption by governments and quasi-governments etc, could be addressed
under:
1. Strategies aimed at improving food security
2. Strategies aimed at raising and supplementing income so as to
maintain expenditure patterns
3. Strategies aimed at alleviating the loss of labour
The above responses have been cultured by households that have direct
contact with problems resulting from HIV/AIDS. A good number of the
affected persons need to be made aware that their responses are
influenced by decisions made for them.
It is the humble duty of community based organisations to create
awareness on global economics that affect and have repercussions on
household economies. This approach would garner the support and justify
the need for partnership with the local community in community
development. This is the principle of 'social capital'. In so doing,
areas that would indirectly ease the coping strains of households will
be addressed.
For the YMCA this means strategizing with the aim of working more
closely with and within the community to establish the social capital
system. A system geared to partnership within civil society,
governments, NGOs, decision-makers, well wishers and stakeholders. For
lobbying and advocacy purposes and empowering the affected both
economically and with knowledge and skill. The coalition should be able
to come up with doable practises that will soften the effects of the
NEPs for example by:
1. Shifting emphasis from production of commodities to diversified
agricultural production.
2. Mobilising and supporting the marginalised and stigmatised
3. Advocating for the alteration of IMF and WB to permit cancellation
and accept repudiation of debt and concentrate on preventive health
care.
4. Focusing on gender sensitive, economic and social welfare policies
that protect women from slipping into poverty as globalisation continues
i.e. encouraging micro-credit programmes.
5. Advocating for a fair global economic system and deal with corruption
and good governance.
The YMCA needs to broaden its scope in addressing the HIV/AIDs issue.
In its operations/processes and dissemination of ideals, not only
members but also the community for which it is purposed for should be
made aware the multifacetedness of the epidemic. This means that the
YMCA in its intervention should make vivid the scourge as stirred by
'global prudent conduct' and the repercussions to the infected, affected
and the individuals at risk.
As mentioned previously in the paper, factors influencing progression
of the infection, vary from region to another. It is therefore rational
to zero in and focus our research work to 'culture populations'. This
should be our first step before we embark on interventions.
The YMCA staff/Volunteers need be prepared by training to perceive
the economic aspect of the epidemic. However long it takes, 'the pith
cause' of the scourge should be addressed - factors that transfigure the
enormity of HIV/AIDs and lead to survival responses that make people
vulnerable to infection. This horn of dilemma is the challenge of the
21st century!
Acronyms ACP - AIDs Control Programme
ACT - African Conservation Tillage Network - ACT
BWI - Bretton Wood Institutions
CBOs - Community Based Organisations
CSW - Community Sex Workers
ESAF - Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility
FAO - Food and Agriculture Organisation
GDP - Gross Domestic Product
GNP - Gross National Product
GTZ - German Technical Corporation
HBSC - Home based Care
HIPC - Highly Indebted Poor Countries
HIV - Human Immunodefiency Syndrome
IGAs - Income Generating Activities
IFIs - International Financial Institutions
IMF - International Monetary Fund
LAC - Latin America and the Caribbean
NEPs - New Economic Policies
NGOs - Non-Governmental Organisations
OAU - Organisation of Africa Unity
OECD - Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
PLWA - People living with AIDs
PLWHA - People living with HIV/AIDS
PWA - People with AIDs
RC - Resistance committees
SAPs - Structural Adjustment Programmes
STDs/STIs - Sexually Transmitted Diseases/Infections
WB - World Bank
WHO - World Health Organisations
Glossary Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility programme established by IMF in 1987 geared to providing low
- interest loans to poor countries
Epidemic
disease outbreak in a given Community
Epidemiology science of epidemic
GDP
value of country's output in a given Year
GNP
value of country's final output of goods and services in a year ,
divided
by its population
Micro-Credit
a system of giving people the tools to work their way out of poverty
Macroeconomic policies
policies made by IFIs to poor countries that affect their output,
income, price level, unemployment and other aggregate economic
variables. The policies are in form of monetary and fiscal policies.
Pandemic
global prevalence of a disease
Seropositivity showing a positive reaction to a test on blood serum for a
disease
Seronegativity
showing a negative reaction to a test on blood serum for a disease