|
The Other Drug War:
Big Pharma’s 625 Washington Lobbyists
July 23, 2001
(Executive
Summary
This new
Public Citizen report shows how the pharmaceutical industry
fought last year, like never before, against the looming
threat that Congress and President Clinton would provide
senior citizens with drug coverage under Medicare.
Worried that
the bulk buying power of Medicare would lead to discounted
prices in the lucrative senior citizen market, the drug
industry launched an unprecedented blitz of lobbying, campaign
contributions, and so-called "issue" ads to help its
political allies and attack its enemies.
The bill for
that barrage recently became public with the availability of
all lobby disclosure reports for the year 2000. Using these
lobbying reports, along with data on the industry’s other
political spending, "The Other Drug War: Big Pharma’s
625 Washington Lobbyists" shows the following:
·
The drug industry spent $262 million on
political influence in the 1999-2000 election cycle: $177
million on lobbying, $65 million on issue ads and $20 million
on campaign contributions.
·
The industry hired 625 different lobbyists last
year to buttonhole lawmakers – or more than one lobbyist for
every member of Congress. Unlike data on contributions and
campaign ads, this comprehensive information on lobbying has
recently become available (most lobbying details for the
second half of 2000 didn’t become available from Congress
until May 2001 and no organization has analyzed the data as
thoroughly as Public Citizen).
·
The bill for this team of lobbyists in 2000
alone: $92.3 million – a $7.2 million increase over what the
industry spent for lobbying in 1999. Brand name drug companies
spent $90.0 million, generic drug companies spent $2.3
million.
·
Drug companies took advantage of the revolving
door between Congress and other branches of the federal
government and the industry. Of the 625 lobbyists employed in
2000, more than half were either former members of Congress
(21) or others who previously worked in Congress or in other
federal government positions (295).
·
The drug industry spent more (based on available
data) on lobbying and other political persuasion than any
other industry in 1999-2000.
·
The drug industry lobbyists were well-connected:
33 served as Chief of Staff to members of Congress; 11
others worked for the powerful House Ways and Means Committee,
which has jurisdiction over a Medicare drug bill; eight others
worked for the key Senate Judiciary Committee, where drug
patent law is crafted.
·
In addition, six worked for the Bush I
administration; five worked for former House Speaker Newt
Gingrich (R-Ga.); four worked for former Senate Judiciary
Chairman Orrin Hatch (R-Utah); five worked for current Senate
Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee Chairman
Edward Kennedy (D-Mass.); four worked for former Senate
Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-Miss.); and three worked for
current Senate Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus
(D-Mont.).
·
The drug industry lobbyists primarily worked
against a Medicare prescription drug benefit and bills that
might moderate rising drug prices. Public Citizen’s lobbying
database shows that drug industry lobbyists worked most on
bills pertaining to a Medicare drug benefit, mentioning the
issue 2,542 times in last year’s lobby disclosure reports.
Pricing issues – which included patent and drug
re-importation legislation – were mentioned 2,403 times on
disclosure reports.
·
In part, these lobbyists gained access to
members of Congress and their staff members, thanks to an
aggressive campaign of political contributions ($20 million in
the 1999-2000 election cycle) and TV ads ($65 million in
1999-2000) that often supported Republican candidates and
attacked Democratic candidates.
·
The industry made $20.1 million in direct
contributions to candidates and party committees in the
1999-2000 election cycle, with 59 percent of that coming in
huge soft money donations, often of $100,000 or more.
Seventy-six percent of all drug industry contributions went to
Republicans.
·
In 2001, the drug industry continues to expand
its influence. The drug industry contributed $625,000 to the
Bush-Cheney inaugural, and campaign contribution reports for
the first half of 2001, which are just becoming available,
show that the industry has dumped at least $1.4 million in
soft money into party committee coffers already this year.
·
The industry also continues to use the revolving
door between Capitol Hill and K Street to its advantage. Newly
registered drug industry lobbyists in 2001 include former
aides to ex-House Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.), new Senate
Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus (D-Mont.), and new
Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee
Chairman Edward Kennedy (D-Mass.).
Introduction
The drug
industry has much to protect in Washington, D.C. – mainly
because the industry receives so many favors and privileges
from the federal government. The federal government has
conferred on the industry monopoly patents and patent
extensions, tax credits worth billions of dollars a year, and
research subsidies for both the most medically important drugs
and also the top-selling ones.
The industry
responded to this coddling by raising the average prescription
price 10 percent last year.1
Not
surprisingly, the drug industry has come under attack by
senior citizen groups and large employers who have felt the
pinch of rising drug prices. These groups want drug prices and
industry practices – such as patent extensions that keep
lower-priced generic drugs off the market – reined in.
In turn, the
drug industry has worked hard to fight off any proposals that
might moderate its prices and profits. That fight was carried
out, in large part, by an army of well-connected lobbyists in
Washington, D.C.
And it was
successful – the industry’s tax breaks, research
subsidies, monopoly patents, prices and profits remain
unscathed.
The full bill
for that barrage recently became public with the availability
of all lobby disclosure reports for the year 2000 (lobby
disclosure reports typically lag four-to-five months behind
the year’s end).
The bottom
line – which is detailed in this report – is staggering.
The drug industry spent $262 million on political persuasion
in 1999-2000. Based on available data that appears to be more
than any other industry.
Who Didn’t Lobby for the Drug Industry?
The drug
industry was very good for Washington’s "K Street"
economy last year. One hundred and thirty-four firms were paid
to lobby by the drug industry; and 55 different lobbying firms
earned at least $100,000 from the drug industry in 2000.
(Public Citizen defines the drug industry as pharmaceutical
and biotechnology companies and their trade associations; the
two share increasingly similar political agendas on research,
intellectual property, drug benefit and pricing issues.)
The industry
employed 625 different lobbyists in all and spent $92.3
million on lobbying in 2000 – a $16.8 million, or 22
percent, increase since 1997. (See Table 1 and Appendix A)
Table
1: Drug Industry Lobbying, 1997-2000
|
Year
|
1997
|
1998
|
1999
|
2000
|
|
Total
|
$75,527,755
|
$72,035,145
|
$85,089,533
|
$92,322,418
|
Source: Lobby Disclosure reports filed with the Secretary of
the Senate and Clerk of the House pursuant to the Lobby
Disclosure Act of 1995.
The
overwhelming majority of these lobbyists worked for brand name
drug companies (and their associations) last year, as opposed
to generic drug companies. The brand name companies accounted
for $90.0 million of the lobbying expenditures, while the
generic companies reported lobbying expenses of just $2.3
million. (See Appendix B for a complete list of all 625
lobbyists.) This lobbying binge helped the drug industry top
all others in political spending for 1999-2000. (See Table 2)
Table
2: Industry Comparison of Political Spending 1999-2000
|
Industry
|
1999-2000
Lobbying Total
|
Campaign Contributions
|
Total
|
|
Drug
Industry
|
$177,411,951
|
$20,142,583
|
$197,554,534
|
|
Insurance
|
$127,849,428
|
$40,684,560
|
$168,533,988
|
|
Telephone
Companies
|
$122,858,169
|
$20,746,350
|
$143,604,519
|
|
Electric
Utilities
|
$119,573,052
|
$18,529,268
|
$138,102,320
|
|
Commercial
Banks
|
$65,968,725
|
$24,938,794
|
$90,907,519
|
|
Oil
& Gas Producers
|
$31,187,796
|
$33,276,659
|
$64,464,455
|
|
Automobile
Manufacturers
|
$54,552,271
|
$2,237,531
|
$56,789,802
|
|
Tobacco
|
$44,700,310
|
$8,407,384
|
$53,107,694
|
|
Food
Processors & Manufacturers
|
$21,269,672
|
$14,291,136
|
$35,560,808
|
Source: Lobbying totals are estimates (except for the drug
industry) based on lobby disclosure data available from TRAC,
Inc. Year
2000 lobby total was calculated by doubling total for the
first six months of 2000 (second-half reports not available
yet through TRAC, Inc.). Campaign contributions based on data
reported by Center for Responsive Politics
The army of
lobbyists employed by the industry in 2000 is larger than the
297 lobbyists Public Citizen identified in its "Addicting
Congress" report last year.2
In large part that’s because "Addicting Congress"
focused only on lobbyists who worked on pricing and
prescription drug benefit issues. This year, Public Citizen
expanded its focus to include intellectual property and patent
issues (which ultimately concern prices) and legislative
proposals that dealt with re-importing drugs from countries
where the prices are cheaper than in the U.S.
The drug
industry acquired the services of the top firms in Washington
D.C. in 2000. (See Appendix C) In the process, the industry
hired 21 former members of Congress. (See Table 3)
The former members were almost evenly divided by party
affiliation, with 11 Republicans and 10 Democrats. They
included former Senators Howard Baker (R-Tenn.), Dan Coats (R-Ind.)
and Dennis DeConcini (D-Ariz.) and Representatives Bill Paxon
(R-N.Y.), Vic Fazio (D-Calif.) and Bob Livingston (R-La.).
Table
3: Former Members of Congress Lobbying for Drug Industry, 2000
|
Lobbyist
|
Offices Held
|
Client(s)
|
|
Beryl
Anthony
|
U.S. House of Representatives
(D-AR), 1978-93
|
Barr
Laboratories
|
|
Birch
Bayh
|
U.S. Senate (D-IN), 1963-81
|
The
Cook Group, Inc.
|
|
Bill
Brewster
|
U.S. House of Representatives
(D-OK), 1991-96
|
Novartis
Corporation
|
|
Daniel
Coats
|
U.S. Senate (R-IN), 1989-99. U.S. House of Representatives
(R-IN), 1981-89
|
Amgen,
Inc.; PhRMA
|
|
Dennis
DeConcini
|
U.S. Senate (D-AZ), 1977-95
|
Abbott
Laboratories; Aventis Pharmaceuticals, Inc.;
Bristol-Myers Squibb Co.; Glaxo Wellcome, Inc.;
Pfizer, Inc.; Pharmacia; Schering-Plough Corporation
|
|
Butler
Derrick
|
U.S. House of Representatives
(D-SC), 1975-94.
|
Bayer
Corporation; Genentech, Inc.; PhRMA; Theragenics
Corporation; Warner-Lambert Company
|
|
Billy
Evans
|
U.S. House of Representatives
(D-GA), 1977-83
|
Pharmacia
|
|
Vic
Fazio
|
U.S. House of Representatives
(D-CA), 1979-98
|
PhRMA;
Schering-Plough Corporation
|
|
Michael
Flanagan
|
U.S. House of Representatives
(R-IL), 1995-96
|
Immunex
Corporation
|
|
Willis
Gradison
|
U.S. House of Representatives,
(R-OH), 1975-93.
|
Bristol-Myers
Squibb Co.; Schering-Plough Corporation
|
|
Andy
Ireland
|
U.S. House of Representatives
(D-FL), 1977-84, and
(R-FL), 1984-93
|
Schering-Plough
Corporation
|
|
Norman
Lent
|
U.S. House of Representative
(R-NY), 1971-93
|
Pfizer,
Inc.
|
|
Robert
Livingston
|
U.S. House of Representatives
(R-LA), 1977-99
|
Schering-Plough
Corporation
|
|
Raymond
McGrath
|
U.S. House of Representatives
(R-NY), 1981-93
|
E.I.
Dupont de Nemours and Company
|
|
Robert
Michel
|
U.S. House of Representatives
(R-IL), 1957-95
|
Johnson
& Johnson
|
|
Bill
Paxon
|
U.S. House of Representatives
(R-NY), 1989-98
|
Johnson
& Johnson
|
|
Martin
Russo
|
U.S. House of Representatives
(D-IL), 1975-93
|
Johnson
& Johnson
|
|
Robert
Walker
|
U.S. House of Representatives
(R-PA), 1977-96.
|
Immunex
Corporation; Wyeth-Ayerst Pharmaceuticals
|
|
Vin
Weber
|
U.S. House of Representatives,
(R-MN), 1981-93
|
PhRMA;
Schering-Plough Corporation
|
|
Alan
Wheat
|
U.S. House of Representatives
(D-MO), 1983-94
|
SmithKline
Beecham
|
|
William
Zeliff, Jr.
|
U.S. House of Representatives
(R-NH), 1991-97
|
Schering-Plough
Corporation
|
Source: Lobby Disclosure reports filed with the Secretary of
the Senate and Clerk of the House pursuant to the Lobby
Disclosure Act of 1995.
The industry
also hired 19 of the lobbying firms that made Fortune
magazine’s list of the 20 most influential firms in
Washington D.C.3
These firms – and their 460 lobbyists – were brought in to
supplement the 165 corporate lobbyists who worked in-house for
drug companies and their two major trade associations –
Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA)
and the Biotechnology Industry Organization (BIO). All the
drug companies and groups that spent more than $1 million on
lobbying in 2000 are shown in Table 4, along with the number
of lobbyists they employed.
Table
4: Lobbying Expenditures and Number of Lobbyists,
For Drug Companies and Trade Groups that Spent at Least $1
Million in 2000
|
Company
|
Total 2000
|
|
# of Lobbyists
|
Amount
|
|
Schering-Plough
Corporation
|
48
|
$7,940,000
|
|
PhRMA
|
67
|
$7,480,000
|
|
Merck
& Co., Inc.
|
23
|
$5,840,000
|
|
Eli
Lilly and Company
|
27
|
$5,300,000
|
|
Abbott
Laboratories
|
15
|
$4,840,000
|
|
Bristol-Myers
Squibb Company
|
57
|
$4,660,000
|
|
American
Home Products
|
16
|
$4,037,551
|
|
Monsanto
Co.
|
33
|
$4,000,000
|
|
Pharmacia
& Upjohn
|
31
|
$3,782,960
|
|
The
Procter & Gamble Company
|
5
|
$3,541,724
|
|
Pfizer
Inc
|
81
|
$3,440,000
|
|
Glaxo
Wellcome, Inc.
|
32
|
$3,127,000
|
|
SmithKline
Beecham
|
15
|
$2,860,000
|
|
Biotechnology
Industry Org.
|
30
|
$2,857,000
|
|
Johnson
& Johnson
|
41
|
$2,780,000
|
|
Novartis
Pharmaceuticals Corp.
|
38
|
$2,700,000
|
|
Amgen,
Inc.
|
44
|
$2,680,000
|
|
Baxter
International
|
21
|
$2,480,000
|
|
Hoffmann-La
Roche Inc.
|
20
|
$2,422,095
|
|
Dow
Chemical Co.
|
6
|
$1,800,000
|
|
Aventis
Pharma AG
|
3
|
$1,560,000
|
|
Michigan
Biotech. Institute
|
2
|
$1,560,000
|
|
Bayer
Corporation
|
10
|
$1,336,775
|
|
Genentech,
Inc.
|
28
|
$1,240,000
|
|
Becton,
Dickinson & Co.
|
10
|
$1,042,713
|
|
Genzyme
Corporation
|
23
|
$1,000,000
|
|
Grand
Total
|
625
|
$92,282,418
|
Source: Lobby Disclosure reports filed with the Secretary of
the Senate and Clerk of the House pursuant to the Lobby
Disclosure Act of 1995. Note: The number of lobbyists in the
second column does not equal 625 because not all companies
that lobbied are shown in the table; in addition, some
lobbyists work for more than one company.
Most Popular Outside Lobbyists
The drug
industry employed some Washington lobbying stalwarts, such as
Thomas Boggs (of Patton Boggs) and Harry McPherson (of Verner,
Liipfert, Bernhard, McPherson & Hand). It also hired
younger rainmakers, such as Deborah Steelman (of Steelman
Health Strategies) and Anthony Podesta (the brother of
President Clinton’s former chief of staff). (See Table 5)
Table
5: Most Popular Drug Industry Lobbyists in 2000
and Their Revolving Door Connections
|
# of Clients
|
Name
|
Former Positions
|
|
7
|
George
Olsen
|
Former
Member, Rules Advisory Committee, U.S. Court of
Veterans Appeals
|
|
7
|
Edward
Baxter
|
Chief
Counsel and Staff Director, Subcommittee on Patents,
Copyrights, and Trade Marks, Senate Committee on the
Judiciary
|
|
7
|
Denise
Henry
|
Staff
Member, Select Committee on Aging, U.S. Senate
|
|
7
|
Dennis
DeConcini
|
Member,
U.S. Senate (D-Ariz.), 1977-95
|
|
7
|
Thomas
Parry
|
Chief
of Staff and Chief Counsel, Senator Orrin Hatch
(R-Utah)
|
|
7
|
Romano
Romani
|
Chief
of Staff, Senator Dennis DeConcini (D-Ariz.)
|
|
7
|
Linda
Skladany
|
Acting
Chairman (1989-91) and Commissioner (1989-91),
Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission
|
|
6
|
Shannon
Davis
|
Legislative
Assistant (1992-94), Rep. Sam Johnson (R-Texas)
|
|
6
|
Larry
Smith
|
Sergeant
at Arms (1983-85), U.S. Senate; Staff Director, Senate
Rules Committee
|
|
6
|
Karina
Lynch
|
Counsel
to Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations,
Committee on Governmental Affairs, 1999-2000
|
|
6
|
James
Hawkins
|
Professional
Staff Member, Senate Health, Education, Labor and
Pensions Committee under Chairman Jim Jeffords
(R-Vt.)
|
|
6
|
Melissa
Schulman
|
Policy
Director, Representative Steny Hoyer (D-Md.), 1995-98;
Executive Director, House Democratic Caucus, 1990-94
|
|
6
|
Steven
Hilton
|
Deputy
Assistant to the President and Deputy Director, Office
of Public Liaison, The White House, 1993-95
|
|
6
|
Matthew
Gelman
|
Floor
Assistant, Democratic Whip David Bonior (D-Mich.)
|
|
6
|
Martin
Gold
|
Counsel
to the Senate Majority Leader, Senator Howard Baker,
Jr. (R-Tenn.); Minority Staff Director and Counsel,
Senate Rules Committee
|
|
5
|
Judith
Butler
|
Chief
of Staff, Senator Olympia Snowe (R-Maine)
|
|
5
|
April
Lehman
|
Former
Legislative Assistant, House Republican Leader Richard
Armey (R-Texas)
|
|
5
|
Brenda
Reese
|
Conference
Coordinator, House Republican Conference
|
|
5
|
Jeffrey
Kushan
|
Biotech
Patent Examiner (1987-91), U.S. Patent and Trademark
Office, Department of Commerce
|
|
5
|
David
Castagnetti
|
Chief
of Staff, Senator Max Baucus (D-Mont.); Chief of
Staff, Representative Norman Y. Mineta (D-Calif.)
|
|
5
|
David
Bockorny
|
Special
Assistant to the President for Legislative Affairs,
The White House, Reagan Administration
|
|
5
|
Gary
Heimberg
|
Attorney-Advisor,
Chief Administrative Judge, Board of Contract Appeals,
Department of Transportation, 1985-87
|
|
5
|
Jeff
Bergner
|
Staff
Director, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, 1985-86
|
|
4
|
Marguerite
Donoghue Baxter
|
Policy
Coordinator, National Cancer Institute, National
Institutes of Health, Department of Health and Human
Services, 1985-88
|
|
4
|
Harry
Sporidis
|
Senior
Legislative Aide, Representative James C. Greenwood
(R-Penn.)
|
|
4
|
Steve
Jenning
|
Chief
of Staff, Senator Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), 1996-97
|
|
4
|
Deborah
Steelman
|
Associate
Director for Human Resources, Veterans and Labor,
Office of Management and Budget (1986-87)
|
|
4
|
Tim
Powers
|
Deputy
Director for Legislative Affairs, Republican National
Committee
|
|
4
|
Andrew
Shoyer
|
Legal
Advisor, U.S. Mission to the World Trade Organization
|
|
4
|
Barry
Direnfeld
|
Chief
Legislative Counsel, Senator Howard Metzenbaum
(D-Ohio)
|
|
4
|
James
Musser
|
Aide,
Representative Jim Bunning (R-Ky.)
|
|
4
|
Butler
Derrick
|
Member,
U.S. House of Representatives (D-S.C.), 1975-94;
Deputy Majority Whip, and Vice Chairman | |