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Avian
Influenza: Economic and Social Impacts
http://web.worldbank.org/
By
Milan Brahmbhatt
World Bank Lead Economist for East Asia and the Pacific
Washington,DC, September 23, 2005
Introduction
My job is to provide some context for today’s discussions by
looking at the socio-economic impacts and costs of avian flu and
of a potential human influenza pandemic. Before getting into
those impacts in a bit more detail, let me start by outlining
some broad and perhaps obvious features of the problem, and what
these may imply for the strategies we pursue.
First, there are two distinct but closely linked levels of
potential impacts and costs, associated with the potential
stages of the disease. There is the current situation, with
animal-to-animal and limited animal-to-human transmission of the
H5N1 avian flu virus, which, however, as it continues, also
increases the probability of a second stage, with human-to-human
transmission and a global influenza pandemic, with enormously
greater costs. Animal and human health considerations are thus
closely linked.
Second, economic and social considerations are an intrinsic part
of the problem. Broadly speaking there are two types of economic
costs arising from this as from other infectious diseases.
There is the cost of increased illness and death among humans
and animals, and there is the cost of the preventive, control
and coping strategies adopted by the public and private sectors
to avoid or reduce illness and death. The benefits of the
response strategies are the illness and death that they help
avert. Given that all governments and nations face budget
constraints, there is a natural role for economic cost-benefit
analysis in helping frame response strategies. In addition, for
response strategies to be successful they often have to take
account of their effect on economic incentives facing agents, as
we will see in the case of compensation paid to farmers. Both
the disease itself and the response strategies are also likely
to have significant distributional, equity and other social
implications that need to be explicitly addressed.
Third, while avian flu is currently concentrated in East Asia,
it is already spreading to other regions such as South Asia and
Central Asia as a result of wild bird migration. A human
influenza pandemic would also rapidly spread all over the
world. Stopping or controlling avian flu is therefore a true
global public good, which all countries have an interest in
acquiring. Lastly, we are addressing this problem under
conditions of highly imperfect information, with many gaps in
our understanding of the epidemiological, health and economic
issues at play.
Several policy implications can be drawn from these general
considerations.
First, the response to the influenza threat needs an integrated
cross-sectoral approach, bringing together animal and human
health, areas of rural development and agriculture, economics,
finance and planning, among others. This is true of the types
of partnership needed at both global and national levels.
Second, there is certainly a priority on curbing the disease “at
source”, in the agricultural sector, thereby reducing the
probability of a human epidemic. But it is also important to
strike a balance between short and long term measures. Avian
flu is becoming endemic in parts of East Asia and will require a
long effort to suppress. Meanwhile a human pandemic may still
emerge from some quite different strain of flu virus. Other
zoonoses and pathogens continue to emerge. Thus it makes sense
to also undertake broader long term measures to strengthen the
institutional, regulatory and technical capacity of the animal
health, human health and other relevant sectors.
Third, while country level leadership and engagement is
essential for success, it must be backed by global resources.
Even though the benefits of containing a pandemic are
overwhelming, individual governments may still be daunted by the
social, political and economic costs of various policy measures,
especially when these measures are in the nature of global
public goods that benefit many more than just the people of that
nation.
Lastly, there is a critical role for research to fill some of
the gaps in knowledge we face, as well as for mechanisms to
share information with experts, policymakers and the global
public at large. As will be seen, honest public communication
will be critical.
Potential Human Influenza Pandemic Scenario
Let me now turn to socio-economic impacts and costs in slightly
more detail, starting with everyone’s central concern, a
potential human flu pandemic. There are great uncertainties
about the timing, virulence, and general scope of a future
pandemic. The Spanish flu of 1918-19 killed 50 million, which
today would translate to 150 million deaths, which, while an
extreme scenario, gives an indication of the huge potential
costs in a worst case scenario. Given the gaps in our
knowledge, at this point, here we only try to sketch some main
channels of impact and broad orders of magnitude.
Interestingly, the most immediate economic impacts of a pandemic
might arise not from actual death or sickness but from the
uncoordinated efforts of private individuals to avoid becoming
infected. This at least was the experience during SARS, when
people tried to avoid infection by minimizing face-to-face
interactions, resulting in a severe demand shock for services
sectors such as tourism, mass transportation, retail sales,
hotels and restaurants, as well as a supply shock due to
workplace absenteeism, disruption of production processes and
shifts to more costly procedures. This led to a an immediate
economic loss of perhaps 2% of East Asian regional GDP in the
second quarter of 2003, even though only about 800 people
ultimately died from SARS. Note that a 2 percent loss of global
GDP during a global influenza pandemic would represent around
$200 billion in just one quarter (or $800 billion over a whole
year), and it is fair to assume the immediate shock during a flu
epidemic could be even larger than in SARS.
There is evidence that during SARS the costs arising from panic
and disruption were magnified by an initial lack of public
information, contributing to a large over-estimation by private
individuals of the perceived probabilities of infection and
death, a fact documented in opinion survey data. This could
have led to over-reactions in the preventive actions taken by
the population at large. A key policy question for government
is therefore how to win the trust and confidence of the
population, minimize panic and disruption and indeed mobilize
the public as a key partner in beating the disease. Here an
honest, transparent public information policy is likely to be
critical.
In addition to these immediate costs of disruption, a global flu
pandemic would also entail a sizeable loss of potential world
output through a reduction in the size and productivity of the
world labor force due to illness and death. The effect of
disease on the size of the labor force would depend on the
virulence and spread of the disease and on how it affected
different age groups, among other factors. There would also be
a general decline in labor productivity due to illness among the
labor force at large, as well as costs of hospitalization and
medical treatment.
There is a dearth of detailed studies of what these costs of a
flu pandemic might amount to at a global level. However one
1999 study of the United States calculated that, based on past
patterns, a flu pandemic could lead to between 100000 and 200000
deaths in the US, together with 700000 or more hospitalizations,
up to 40 million outpatient visits and 50 million additional
illnesses. The present value of the economic losses associated
with this level of death and sickness was estimated at between
$100 and $200 billion for the US alone (in 2004 dollars). If we
extrapolate from the US to all high income countries, there
could be a present value loss of $550 billion. The loss for the
world would of course be significantly larger, because of the
impact in the developing world. Note also that these estimates
for the US arose from a projected mortality rate of less than
0.1% of the US population, much lower than the 0.5% mortality
rate in the US in the 1918-19 pandemic, or the 2.5% mortality
rate for the world as a whole at that time.
By any account, the benefits of preventing or even mitigating or
delaying a global influenza pandemic are likely to be large
indeed
Recent Situation
Let me finally turn to where much of the focus of attention is
right now. With the principal transmission of the virus
occurring among poultry and other birds, the main economic
impacts are occurring in the rural areas of several East Asian
economies.
At the overall macroeconomic level, costs so far have been
fairly limited, but could rise significantly going forward, and
have already been high for specific sectors and communities.
Economic costs that need to be considered include direct costs
such as losses of poultry due to the disease and to culling,
with impacts extending not only to farmers but also to upstream
and downstream sectors such as poultry traders, feed mills,
breeding farms etc. The largest declines have occurred in
Vietnam and Thailand, where they were equal to 15-20% of the
stock of poultry in 2003, before the epidemic. Other but
relatively smaller losses of poultry have also occurred in other
economies such as Indonesia, China, Cambodia and Lao PDR.
The size of the poultry sector in the national economies of the
region before the epidemic ranged from around 0.6% of GDP at the
low end in countries like Vietnam and Thailand, to a high of a
little over 2% in the Philippines, with most countries centering
a little over 1% of GDP. In an economy like Vietnam, where
poultry output is down by around 15%, this part of economic loss
is worth about 0.1% of GDP or about $50 million. If similar
declines in poultry numbers were to occur in an economy like
Indonesia where the poultry sector plays a somewhat larger part
in the economy, these direct costs could amount to 0.2% of GDP,
which for Indonesia would represent about $500 million.
These losses, while perhaps limited in overall macroeconomic
terms, have been severe in the poultry sector and on associated
input and distribution channels. In economies like Vietnam where
the bulk of poultry production is still by backyard producers,
the impact has been felt by individual rural households, and has
only partly been offset by government compensation to farmers.
Survey data show that in Vietnam the poorest quintile of
households relies more than 3 times as much on poultry income
than does the richest quintile, so there are also adverse
distributional effects. On the other hand, in economies like
Thailand and Indonesia, where production is largely undertaken
by industrial and large commercial producers, the impact may be
felt in greater unemployment of wage laborers and in corporate
bankruptcies.
Secondary or indirect economic costs could also arise, for
example, if there is a fall in international tourism because of
disease fears. This does not appear to have occurred so far,
with tourist numbers continuing to grow in 2004 and so far in
2005. But this could change, since it only recently that global
media have started prominent reporting on avian influenza. We
estimate that were a 5 percent drop in tourist and business
arrivals to occur, it would reduce GDP in Vietnam by perhaps 0.4
percent.
Finally, the costs of prevention and control also need to be
taken into account, including costs to the government of
purchase of poultry vaccines, medications and other inputs,
hiring workers for culling and cleanup, surveillance and
diagnosis, hire of transportation etc. Governments also face the
need to pay compensation to poultry owners, which is important
in inducing owners not to conceal that a bird flu outbreak has
occurred. While such payment is in the nature of a transfer
payment for the economy as a whole, it can impose a significant
fiscal burden on the government.
Looking forward, there is indeed a major policy agenda in the
affected countries to strengthen or build well-integrated, cost
effective systems for surveillance, assessment, prevention,
containment, information dissemination and longer term technical
capacity building in terms of both animal and human health.
These are issues to be taken up in more detail in the rest of
this seminar. Clearly the benefits of such an agenda will be
both global and very large. A well integrated and resourced
global initiative to support it is thus a very sensible
investment to make. |